There is an online edition of Camden 1625, for those interested in reading the entire document.
first portion of text removed
TO THE MOST August, most Sacred, and most excellent Maiesty of IAMES THE FIRST, Emperour of Great Britanne, king of France, Ireland and Virginia, defendor of the Faith. The Translator of these ANNALLS wisheth to His Imperiall Maiestie, blessednesse, perpetuall health, with all happinesse, prosperitie, and felicitie, in both worlds.
the two dedications to King James removed
TO THE NOBLE AND VVEL-DISPOSED READER, indued with either of these rare Vertues, Iustice, Valour, Honour, Temperance, Magnanimity, Clemency, Truth, Liberality, Ciuility, and Courtesie; Health and happinesse in IESVS CHRIST. [Note: Of Iustice. IVSTICE is a constant and perpetuall will, to giue impartially euery one their iust due: the one is generall, diuided in politicke and oeconomicke: the other speciall, diuided in distributiue and commutatiue; her subiectiue parts are to doe good acts, and fly from bad ones. It stands therefore much in need of Religion, Piety, Obseruance, Obedience, Thanksgiuing, of expulsions of iniuries, also of Truth, Affability, Amity, and Liberality.]
ALl-Vertuous and impartiall Reader, here is presented to thy iudicious view, the Translation of a Master-piece of History, in its owne originall Language truely most rare; which I (for the worthinesse of the Subiect) wish with my soule, I could haue Englished accordingly: But though my poore straine &tc; weake capacity would not permit mee to equalize the eloquence and elegancie thereof, yet I can assure you, [Note: Of Valour. VALOVR, which moderates feare, and Hardinesse, is a Vertue which encourages one to blame or defend things iustly: her mediocrity is betwixt cowardnesse and temerity. To her belong Magnanimity, Magnificency, Patience, and Perseuerance.]
I haue had a speciall care, to doe it faithfully: And truely I must confesse ingenuously, doubting of my weaknesse in so important and laborious a Worke, (because I am a Stranger borne) I haue sought the best helpe I could, [Note: Of True Honour. TRue HONOVR, which belongeth to Liberality and Iustice, is a Diuine Vertue, subiect neither to fortune nor force: it is that which all good and vertuous men aime at, &tc; leuell their actions.] from those that are holden good Schollers, for the perfecting of the English phrase and stile, but it hath beene amended so contrary to my expectation, that I haue beene forced to peruse it againe, best I was able, and as the time &tc; Presse would giue me leaue. [Note: Of Temperance. TEMPERANCE is a morall Vertue, which moderates sensuall voluptuousnesse, and the couetousnesse thereof, and the dolour or griefe which is still, as it were, linked with couetousnes: shee mediates, or is a meane betweene Intemperancy and Stupidity: shee is perfected &tc; made whole by Bashfulnesse &tc; Honesty: shee keepes vnder her, Abstine~cy, Continency, Sobriety, and Chastity: To her do belong, Gentlenesse, Clemency, Humility, Meeknesse, and Moderation.]
I beseech you therefore to beare with it, not doubting, but (as I haue obserued the inuention and meaning of my Author) it will affoord you sufficient content: and if I may bee so happy, as to drawe gently the gracious aspect of your eyes vpon these my worthlesse Lines, I will euer be bound to your Noble fauour, for a milde and courteous Censure, in respecting the affection and desire I haue, to imploy my time about that which may tend to immortalize the Honour and Glory of Englands dreaded, and vndaunted Nation; [Note: Of Magnanimity. MAGNANIMITY belonges to Force and Courage: it is a carefull vertue, and as it were a spur to purchase supreme honours; her mediocrity or mean is betweene Saperba and [...]animity.] in striuing to make vulgar the heroicke Acts, and Diuine Vertues of Albions best Queen, and the most Religious, learned and prudent Empresse that euer liued on earth: and Soueraigne Head, or supreme Ruler, next God, [Note: Of Clemency. CLEMENCY is a morall vertue, which moderating anger, quencheth in vs fre or choler, to produce pious actions: she mediates, or is a meane betweene Cruelty, and too great Indulgency.] ouer this flourishing Kingdome, ayming thereby more at the conseruation of her glorious memory, then at any thing else. I therefore doubt not but this worke will soone purchase your kind fauour, and louing commendation: and so I commit you to the Almighty, wishing you his blessings, [Note: Of Truth. TRVTH, by which, in all our actions &tc; humane society, we should make things as they be: her meane or moderation is betweene Simulation and dissimulation. Of Liberality. LIBERALITY is a Vertue truely, Noble, and most Diuine, appertayning to Iustice? This excellent Vertue moderating the desire to abound in riches, rules the purchasing of goods, and orders expences, to produce in vs, and bring forth to the world rare actions: it is a meane betweene Auarice and Prodigality. Of Ciuility. CIVILITY is also a morall vertue, which consisteth in vttering gracefully a speech or discourse in Company: by this Vertue, both praise and a good opinion is acquired: it is a meane betweene Mirth and Melancholy. Of Courtesie. COVRTESIE is a Vertue truely morall, by which we purchase loue, in shewing our selues gracious and officious to those who stand in need of vs: it is a meane betweene submission and rudenesse or harsh disposition.] and the perfection of happines, I rest,
A true deuoted to your Vertues, ABRAHAM DARCIE.
THE AVTHOR TO THE READER.
WILLIAM CECIL, Baron of Burghley, Lord High Treasurer of England, (about 16. yeers past) opened vnto me (farre from my thought) first, some memorials of State of his own: afterwards, those of the Kingdome; and from them, willed me to compile a Historie of Q. Elizabeths Raigne from the beginning. I know not to what intent, vnlesse whilest he prouiding for the propagation of the Queenes honour, meant to take a taste of my abilitie in this kind. I obeyed, and indeed not vnwillingly, lest I should be thought to haue been wanting to the memory of the best Princesse, his expectation, and truth it selfe; which to me equals them both. For shee being escaped, and hauing hidden herselfe, my hope is to finde her there, or no where.
But in the first entrie, a most intricate difficultie deterred me: I fell vpon whole masses of writings, &tc; instruments of all kinds, well enough digested for the computation of the times, but very confused for varietie of argument; in examining whereof, I was couered with dust and sweat. I diligently collected together fit matter, harder to find out than I expected: but he dying, mine industrie slackt. And after that, that incomparable Princesse had rendred her diuine soule to heauen, I waited a while with a greedy expectation, not only who, but if some one, of so great a number of learned men, who by her bounty abound in riches &tc; leasure, would repay this due and deserued thanks. But when I had certainly obserued, that weightier affaires hindred some that were best able to performe it; others, (I know not for what causes) with specious excuses refused it: Afterwards, I eftsoones betook myself to my interrupted study, &tc; embraced it more vehemently than before. I sought all manner of helps on euery side, I sedulous[...] volued &tc; reuolued Characters of Kings &tc; Peers, Letters, Consultations held at the Councell-Table; I ran through the instructions &tc; letters of Ambassadors, &tc; likewise the Records &tc; Iournals of Parliaments, Acts &tc; Statuts, &tc; read ouer al Proclamatio~s. For most of which (as I ought) I hold my self chiefly bound to sir R: Cotton, kt. Baronet, who with great expence, &tc; happy labor, hath gatherd together most choice variety of Histories &tc; Antiquity: for at his torch, he willingly sufferd me to light my taper. So as (Reader) if in this I haue don any thing pleasing vnto thee or profitable, thou owest him the merited thanks.
I haue also made search throughout mine own Cabinets; &tc; although I am an admirer of venerable antiquitie, I am not iniurious to later things: I haue seen &tc; obserued much, &tc; haue from elder men than my selfe, worthy of beliefe (who were present when these were acted, &tc; studious on both sides, in this diuision of Religion) receiued them, &tc; haue weighed the~ in the ballance of my Iudgment, such as it is lest by a deceiueable credulity I should incline towards those which are false. For the study of TRVTH, as it hath been the only spur to prick me forward to this Worke; so hath it beene mine only Scope. To detract from Historie, is nothing else than to pluck out the eies of a beautifull creature, and for a medicinable potion, to offer poison to the Readers vnderstanding.
All those things which are wont to hinder the light of Truth, I purposely auoided, and as much as in me lay, haue vncased IGNORANCE &tc; FALSHOOD, by the light of a Witnesse pure &tc; neat, drawn from these VNSKILFVLNESSE &tc; her deriuatiues, DOVBT &tc; FALSITY haue I dispelled, as well as I could, by the splendor of an incorrupt faith, out of those monuments aboue al exception; &tc; it may be, from them haue gotten no lesse knowledge of those things, than they which haue had long &tc; great imployment in the Common-wealth. I haue auoided PREIVDICE, as an abuser of the Iudgement, which so infects the mind in affairs of Religion and the Reipublique; that like them that haue sore eyes, they see nothing cleerly. I haue not feared DANGER, no not from them, who by their present power thinke the memorie of the succeeding Age may be extinguished. And let them remember, that as many as haue beene iniurious to Writers, louers of the Truth, haue procured to themselues dishonour; to them glorie.
The hope of a LITTLE GAINE misse-led me not; To make the dignitie of Historie mercenarie, I (who haue alwaies contented my selfe with a meane fortune) haue held sordid and seruile. I haue left no place to the SVSPICION OF FAVOVR OR PRIVATE GRVDGES; for of these I am to write of Scarce two were known to me by any benefit: by iniury, not one; that I should be reckoned among the PARTIAL or the OFFENDED. Those which are aliue, I haue scarse touched at. Inueighing against the enemies of my Countrie, I haue held it ridiculous, to hunt after the name of a good Patriot, with the aspersion of an ill Historian. These things haue I been carefull of, that (as POLYBIVS commands) I might SACRIFICE ONLY TO TRVTH. Neither shall any man, I hope, finde wanting in me, that ingenious liberty (ioyned with modestie) of speech, worthy of an Historian: That, which vnder a false disguise ioyned with the poison of obtrectation personates libertie, and is so pleasing to euery eare, I detest from my heart. Things MANIFEST, I haue not concealed, things DOVBTFVL I haue tenderly interpreted: the more ABSTRVSE, I haue not been too inquisitiue of; The vnsearchable intents of Princes (saith that Prince of Historie) and what they out of reasons of State pretend, is not fit to inquire; &tc; being doubtfull, not to be explored. And with HALYCARNASS AEVS, I am iustly angry which the ignorant critiques, who go about to know or find out more than is iustly permitted. As to the rest, although I know, that matters militarie and politique are the proper subiects of an Historian, yet I neither could nor ought to omit Ecclesiasticall affaires (for betwixt Religion and policy there can be no diuorce. But seeing the Writer of the Ecclesiasticall Historie, may lawfully challenge these things, as proper to himself, I haue not touched at them otherwise than as it were with a light and cursory hand; whereas it is the Law and dignitie of an Historian, to run through the most eminent actions, and not to dwell vpon small ones: I haue not therefore laboured in them, yet there are passages of lesse co~sequence, which may concern another professor, though not him. I haue not omitted any circumstances, by which, not only the euents of things, but their reasons also and causes may be known; That of POLYBIVS pleaseth me exceedingly, If you take out of History, WHY, HOVV, TO WHAT END, and WHAT IS DONE and whether the Actions answer the intents, that that remaines, is rather a mocking than an instruction; And for the present may please, but will neuer profit Posteritie; I haue not betrayed my IVDGEMENT to affection for writing with an impartiall minde, I haue rather desired to finde out the affections of other men. I haue inserted little of mine own, treating of matters in another kind, it being a controuerted point, whether or no it be lawfull for an Historian to doe it. Let euery one abound in his owne sense: I haue thrust in no occasions, but such as were truly spoken; or those reduced to fewer words: much lesse haue I fained any. I haue seldome vsed Sentences, nor beautified my discourses with those obseruatio~s which the Greeks aptly call [...], my intent being as it were insensibly to instruct the minde. I haue shunned digressions; I haue vsed formall words; I haue not neglected discriptions of places, pedigrees, nor Chronologies, following, as neere as is possible, the order of the Times; beginning the yeare (as our Chronologers were wont) from the first of IANVARY.
I haue inscribed my discourses with the name of ANNALS, because I place euery passage in his owne yeare; and because TACITVS directs vs, that great &tc; illustrious Actions should be committed to Annals; whose principall office it is to take care, that Vertue be not obscured, and by the relation of euill words or deeds, to propose the feare of infamie, with posteritie. And that sterile and contracted kind of writing (such as mine is) is for Annals, of all other, most fit.
With these beginnings I applyed my mind to write, with this resolutio~ I proceeded, &tc; intended to bestow the rest of my time and industrie, in the beautifying polishing, and exornation of these Annals: and then by my last Will, to bequeath them to my honorable friend IAMES AVGVSTVS THVANVS, who hath begun a Historie of his owne Times, with great truth and modestie; lest that, as strangers are wont, he, a man most deare vnto me, should like a traueller in a forraine Countrie, be ignorant of our affaires. But this resolution I was forced (I know not by what fate) to alter; for a great part being sent vnto him, some few years past, whe~ they were like rough-drawn pictures scarcely begun, deformed with blots &tc; imperfect places, swarming with errors &tc; patches thrust in, as they fell from a hasty pen, &tc; ill vsed by Transcribers: Out of these he took &tc; as it were inter-weaued some things into the eleuenth and twelfth Tomes of his Historie, hauing first polished them by adding, altering, substracting, but all with good iudgement (according to that order of the worke which he proposed to himselfe) (for he intended a vniuersall Historie of his owne Time) selecting some few things concerning ENGLAND and IRELAND, ommitting many things not only fit, but peraduenture necessary for vs to know, and I had heard that beyond the Seas, the Historie of English affaires was much (and not without reproach) desired; I therefore betook me to my intermitted study, read all ouer againe, corrected, added diuers things, refined the eloquution, yet without affectation; for it sufficeth me, if I may place this Booke like a picture in water colours, vnskilfully done, in a commodious light.
But when all was done, I was much perplext &tc; irresolute, whether I should publish it or not. But CENSVRES, PREIVDICE,
HATRED, OBTRECTATION, which I foresaw to display their colors, and bid battell against me, haue not so much deterred me, as the desire of
TRVTH, the loue of MY COVNTRY, and the memory of that PRINCESSE, (which deserues to be deare and sacred amongst English men) did excite me
against those, who shaking off their allegeance towards their Prince and Country, did not cease beyond the Seas, to wound aswel the Honor
of the one, as the glory of the other, by scandalous libels, conceiued by the malice of their own hearts; &tc; now, (which they sticke
not to confesse) are about to publish a Book to remain to posteritie, as a monument of their wickednesse. As for me, I desire nothing more,
than to be like my self, &tc; they like themselues. Succeeding ages will giue to euery one their deserued Honor. I confesse with sorrow,
that I haue not done so wel, as the height of the argume~t requires; but what I could, I haue done willingly. To my selfe, as in other writings,
so neither in these, haue I giuen satisfaction. But I shall hold it more than sufficient, if out of an earnest desire to conserue the memorie of
things, of truth in relating them, &tc; instructing mens minds with that which is wise and honest, I shall be ranked only amongst the
lowest writers of great things:
WHATSOEVER IT IS, AT THE ALTAR OF TRVTH, I Dedicate, and Consecrate it TO GOD,
TO THE TRVE MIRROR AND PATTERNE OF PRINCES, THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY, CHARLES PRINCE OF GREAT BRITAINNE, &tc;
I COVLD not but shelter this Historie vnder your most renowned Name: for to whom can I commit the Story of Her, who whilst shee liued, was the ioy of England, the terror and admiration of the VVorld, but to your HIGHNESSE, who is the Fame and Honour of this spacious hemisphere &tc; Great Britaines both hope &tc; solace, by your princely valour &tc; constant vertues, no lesse dreaded and admired abroad than feared &tc; beloued at home.
A true admirer &tc; humble Obseruer of your diuine worth A. Darcie.
dedications to the Dowager Duchess of Richmond; the Earl of Arundell; the Earl and Countess of Hartford; the Earl of Dorset, Lady Beauchamp, Lady Compton; the Earl of Lincoln; the Earl of Suffolk; the Earl of Nottingham, Baron of Effingham; Viscount Brackley , Earl of Bridgewater; the Earl of Salisbury and Earl of Excester; Baron Burghley; Baron of Compton, Earl of Northhampton; Baron of Hunsdon, Viscount Rochford; Lord Willoughby of Eresby, Baron of Perke; Baron de la Warre; Baron of Basing; Countess dowager of Warwick; Baron of Kirtling and Lady Conningsby; Sir Arthur Capell; and Sir Thomas Sadler removed
A PREPARATION AND INTRODVCTION TO THE HISTORY.
THE All-glorious, [Note: Qu. Elizabeths extraction by the Fathers side. ] All-vertuous, incomparable, inuict, and matchlesse Patterne of Princes, the Glory, Honour, and mirror of Woman kind, the Admiration of our Age, ELIZABETH, Queene of England, was by the Fathers side truely Royall, being Daughter to HENRY the Eighth, Grand-child to HENRY the Seuenth, and great Grand child to EDVVARD the Fourth: of the Mothers side indeed vnequall, yet nobly descended, and had many great Alliances spred through England and Ireland. Her great-Grandfather was Iefferay of Bolene, descended from the famous House of Norfolke, who, in the yeere 1457. was Maior of London, and was then graced with the Dignitie of Knighthood: a man of much integrity, and of such reputation, that Thomas, Baron of Hoo and Hastings, Knight of the Order of S. George, gaue him his daughter and heire to wife: he was of so great meanes, that he married his Daughters into the famous houses of the Chenies, Heidons, and Fortescues: he left a great Patrimonie to his sonnes; and by Will gaue a thousand pounds sterling to the poore of London, and two hundred to the poore of Norfolke: Hee had to Sonne, William Bolene, who was made one of the eighteene selected Knights of the Bath, at the inauguration of Richard the Third. To whom, Tho. Earle of Ormond (who was had in so great estimation with the Kings of England, that hee only of all the Peeres of Ireland, had place and voice in the Parliament, and before the Barons of England) gaue him his Daughter and Coheire to wife; he had by her (besides the Daughters which he married to Shelton, Caltrop, Chaire, and Sackuil, beeing very rich, and of renowned Race) Tho. Bolene, who beeing but a Youth, Thomas Howard, then Earle of Surrey, and afterwards Duke of Norfolke, a famous Warrier, chose him to bee his Sonne in Lawe, and gaue him his Daughter Elizabeth to wife. HENRY the Eighth employed him in two honourable Embassies, after hauing made him Treasurour of his House, Knight of the Order of Saint George, and Vicount Rochford, afterwards Earle of Wilton and Ormond, and Lord Priuie Seale. He, [Note: The birth of the Lady Anne Bolene.] amongst other Children, had Anne Bolene, who beeing sent in her tender yeeres into France, was seruant to Mary of England, Wife to Lewis the 12. afterwards to Claudia of Brittaine, wife to Francis the First; and after her death, to Mary of Alanson, who from her cradle, was a speciall fauourour of the Protestants Religion in France. Afterwards, she being returned into England, and entertained to be one of the Queenes Maids of Honour, in the twentieth yeere of her age, King HENRIE being eight and thirtie, fell vehemently in loue with her, for the modest behauiour which accompanyed her beauty, and the French iollity which seasoned her modesty: but not being able to ouercome her chastity, he sought to haue her to wife, in hope to haue a Linage by her. Now before, (to take this matter a little more deepely) after he had liued seuenteene yeeres with Katherine his wife, who was of a pious conuersation, and of the Spanish grauitie, but subiect to aborsements, that of all her Children, shee brought foorth none liuing, but MARIE, he begunne to distaste her, by the cunning practice of Cardinall Wolsey, [Note: The King fals in loue with Anne of Bolone. ] who was then raised to the highest degree of power and authority about the King, but in some fort ouer swayed by his owne affections: For being displeased with Charles, the fifth Emperour, Nephew to Katherine, because he had denyed him the Arch-bishopricke of Toledo, and then aspiring to the Papasie, his hatred to him, and his loue so affectionately carried toward the French King; he so wrought, that he purposed a wife for Henry out of France. The King beeing prone to his pleasures, prepared this scruple of conscience, [Note: The reason why he puts away his wife. ] That the marriage which he had contracted with Katherine, who before had beene wife to his brother Arthur, was forbidden by the Diuine Lawe, although Pope Iulius the second had giuen a Dispensation for it. Afterwards he did inculcate into the Kings eares, how greatly he had offended God in marrying Katherine, and how grieuous a sin he should wallow in if hee kept her: that hee had incurred the Sentence of Excommunication; that God had powred his wrath vpon so vnlawfull a Marriage, not suffering a Male to liue, that was begotten of her, and that if there were not a lawfull Heire assigned to the Kingdome, no other thing was to be expected, but that those mortall and cruell wars which had beene but lately lul'd asleepe, should be awakened with new slaughters of his people; and therefore that he ought, for the taking away of all scruple from his conscience, to repudiate her, and that by assuring himselfe of a Successor in a lawfull line, he should prouide for the safety of his soule (which and likewise yeeres had been polluted with incest) for so many of his Kingdome. These reasons caused the King to entreate Pope Clement the Seuenth, to depute some to take knowdedge of this cause, and either to confirme the Dispensation by authority of holy Scriptures, or absolue him of the Sentence of Excommunication, and to declare this marriage to be of no force, and that it might be lawfull for him to marry any other woman whom he should thinke fit, notwithstanding any Canon to the contrary. Hereupon the Pope delegates Cardinall Wolsey, and the Cardinall of Campepe, to whom he secretly gaue a Bull to this effect, that he approued of the Kings vowes, and granted his requests so farre as God would giue him leaue, if the marriage which he had contracted with Katherine should be found vnlawfull, and so declared to be. But this Bull was to bee conceal'd or publisht according to the successe of the Emperours Affaires in Italy. Then these questions begun to be moued euery where, whether it were lawfull for a man to take his brothers wife? or, it beeing prohibited by the Diuine Law, whether the Popes Dispensation could make it lawfull, or no? And when many Academies of Christendome, and the most learned men had giuen their opinions, and resolued that such a Marriage was repugnant to the Laws both of the Old and New Testament, howsoeuer the Popes Dispensation might legitimate it. The King became more passionatly amorous of the Lady Anne of Bolene then euer, and the Cardinall (repenting himselfe too late of what hee had begun) grew discontented, and wrought so vnder hand, [Note: The King entreats the Pope for expedition. ] that the Pope by his pontificall authority refused to confirme the opinions of the Academies, and by delayes after delayes, the busines was drawn into length, both at Rome &tc; in England. The Cardinall feared Bolene, who for the loue that shee bore to the Euangelicall Doctrine, hated his proud and insolent carriage; and the Pope feared the Emperour, who at that time was powerfull in Italy, who maintained, to his vtmost power, the cause of Katherine his Aunt: neither would the Pope prouoke HENRY, because hee had lately employed both his paines and pence, to redeeme him from the Emperours men, who kept him prisoner. HENRIE boyling in choler for this refusall (yet dissembling it) both by Ambassadours and Letters, continually solicited, [Note: The Prelates and Peeres doe the like. ] and humbly prayed the Pope, (and after him the Prelates and Peeres of England, by request signed with their owne hands, which they caused to be carried and presented at his feete) to confirme by his Apostolicall Authority, what the two Academies of England, of Paris, and many others, and very learned and most entire men, both within and without the Realme, had set down for a truth, and were ready to mainiaine it, both by word and writing: representing vnto him, that it would be a remarkeable vnhappines, if He should not obtaine this fauour from the Apostolicall Sea, He beeing the onely man that had employed his Sword, his Pen, his word and power, to defend the authority of the Pope, and resisting many that stroue against it, should bee the onely man to bee denyed the benefit of it; and therefore they coniured him to grant it, for feare that intestine warres should rise for the right of Succession. Notwithstanding, the Clergie fearing lest the Pope should proscribe the Kingdome, and excommunicate the King, by seuerall Letters put him in mind of the sad discord which had been betweene Pope Alexander the Third, and Henry the second, King of England, and representing vnto him many reasons of importance, infinitely besought him, almost in the very same words that Gilbert, Bishop of London did at the same time, (viz.) WEe most humbly beseech you, to shut vp for a time your burning zeale within the bounds of modestie, lest by interdicting the Kingdome, or cuting off the King from the communion of the Catholike Church, you cause the ruine of many particular Churches, and irreuokeably turne from your obedience both the King and infinite numbers with him. Cutting off brings despaire, whereas dressing the wound often cureth. And therfore, if there be a wound, it is more expedient, if it may bee your pleasure, to labour presently to cure it, lest by cutting off a most noble member of the Church of God, you trouble beyond expression, as matters now stand. The Blood-Royall cannot be ouercome till it hath ouercome, and is not ashamed to yeeld after it hath conquered. Hee must be wonne with meekenes, and ouer-ruled with admonitions and patience. What is it to haue lost some temporall things by patience, or by a continuall patience to lose more, as the times now are? Whether is Seuerity to bee withdrawne, when ruine and slaughter threaten a People? To cast many goods into the sea, when the prouoked waues with the confusion of hideous surges threaten a Ship-wrack? But the Pope and Cardinals could not endure that the Papall authority should be questioned in matter of Dispensation, and all maner of contempt for the space of fiue yeeres little more or lesse, neglected to lend an eare thereto, [Note: The King seeing himselfe contemned, renounceth the Pope. ] but were of opinion that the King ought to be cited to Rome: Insomuch, that this Prince, who was full of courage, being stirred vp to wrath by the arrogancy which some Ecclesiasticall persons had lately shewed, thought that for the iustnesse of his cause, hee was vniustly dealt with, most vnworthily for his Royall dignitie, and most ingratefully considering how much good he had done for the Church of Rome; that almost all at one time hee diuorced Katharine, depriued Wolsey of his goods, and drew a great summe of mony from those Bishops who had acknowledged the authority of his Delegation, to the preiudice of his Royall preeminence; accepted the title of Soueraigne head, next vnder Christ, of the Church of England, which was offered vnto him by a Synod, and by both the Vniuersities of England; with the consent of the Peeres of his Kingdome, made Anne Bolene Marchionesse of Pembrooke, for the noblenesse of her extraction, and the merit of her vertues, (so are the words;) hauing apparelled her in Royall Robes, he married her, [Note: Marrieth Anne. ] and commanded her to be sacred, Queene. Clement the Seuenth was much displeased, (but to little purpose) iudged the former marriage to be of force and Canonicall, and pronounced that the King had incurred the penaltie of the great excommunication. Of this Marriage was ELIZABETH borne at Greenwich, vpon Thames, the seuenth day of September 1533. Shortly after, the marriage contracted with Katherine, was iudged by authority of Parliament, incestuous and void, and that with Anne, lawfull by the Diuine Law, and ELIZABETH Heire of the Kingdome, if Issue-Male of the Royall Line should fayle. All sweare fidelity to the King, and to the Heires which he had or should haue by Anne. And as it was considered vpon, that Paulus the Third would againe at Rome proclaime against this Marriage, and that within the Realme certaine Religious Women of Kent, [Note: A Nunne of Kent suborned. ] suborned by some religious men, cast out at randome some indiscreete words against Anne, ELIZABETH, and the King, as if they had been strucken with some diuine fury. [Note: Authoritie of Ecclesiasticall giuen to the King. ] The Title of the Soueraigne head of the Church of England is giuen to the King, with all manner of authority for the reforming of errours, heresies, and abuses, and the oath of fidelity to the Heires which hee should haue by Anne is confirmed. Neuerthelesse three yeeres scarce passed, but giuing himselfe to new Loues, to distrusts, to wrath, to murther, and to bloud; to make way to his new Loue Iane Seymor, he accused Anne (who had miscarried of a Male-Childe) to haue defiled his Bed, and for a light suspition put her into the hands of iustice, where being examined, shee so resolued the obiections which were made vnto her, that the whole multitude which were there present, iudged her innocent, and that she was circumuented. She notwithstanding is condemned by her Peeres, and being told of it, sent to the King, and pleasantly thankes him for many benefits which shee had receiued from him, viz. that shee not being very noble by extraction, hee had vouchsafed to adde to her condition, the dignity of Marchionesse, to make her his companion of honour, and to raise her vnto Royall Maiestie: And which is more than all this, that not being able to adua~ce her to an higher on earth, he pleased to lift her vp to heauen, where shee should enioy eternall glory with innocent soules. [Note: Anne beheaded. ] Shee tooke her punishment quietly and Christianly, wishing all happines to the King, and pardoning all her enemies. The day following, hee married Iane, and by authority of the Parliament, declares the marriage with Anne to be no lesse vnlawfull and voyd, than the marriage with Katherine, and that MARIE and ELIZABETH, their Daughters, were illegitimate, and to be excluded from the Succession of the Kingdome. Iane, being in labour of EDWARD, (who succeeded his Father in the Kingdome) dyed before hee was borne, and hee cut out of her wombe. The King being but little grieued for the death of his Wife, forthwith applyes himselfe to new Loues both in Italy and France, to procure friends: Neuerthelesse, as he was of an ambiguous minde, and fearefull of euery thing, lest the Papists should rise in Rebellion, and the Nobles moue sedition, or ioyne with his forreine enemies, hee caused some to be beheaded for light and trifling matters, &tc some before euer they were heard: and euery houre hee punished the Papists, [Note: The King exerciseth his cruelty vpon Papists and Lutherans, and his auarice vpon the Monasteries. ] as Traytors which did perseuere in defending the Popes authoritie; and beeing transported with couetousnesse, hee tooke occasion (and subiect by the vices of humane frailtie, as of idle and free liuing) to demolish the great Monasteries, as he had done the smaller, that were full of venerable antiquity and Maiesty, tooke all the riches which had beene gathered of many yeeres, and at the same time burned Protestants aliue for Heretiques, by vertue of a Law called the Law of the Six Articles, [Note: The Law of Six Articles. ] made against those which did impugne the doctrine of the Church of Rome, touching Transubstantiation, the celebration of the Eucharist vnder one kinde, the single life of Priests, Vowes, priuate Masses, and auricular confession. In so much, that at one time, and in the same place, hee exercised his crueltie against the Papists, causing them to be hanged and quartered: and against the Protestants, causing them to be burned aliue. By which acts, he made himselfe terrible in his owne Kingdome, and to be holden a Tyrant abroad: and first, being reiected by Marie of Lorraine, daughter to the Duke of Guise, whom hee desired as riuall to Iames King of Scotland his Nephew: afterwards, of Christian of Denmarke, Dutchesse of Milan, Grandchild to Charles the Fifth. In the end, seeking the friendship of the Protestants of Germanie, [Note: He marries and diuorces Anne of Cleue. ] with much adoe he obtained Anne of Cleue for his wife. But beeing as readie to distaste Women as to loue them, turning his heart away from her as soone as he had marryed her, put her away, as not beautifull enough for a Prince, grounding himselfe vpon this, that shee had beene betrothed before to the Duke of Lorraine's Sonne, and that shee had some womanish weaknesse that made her vnfit for marriage. But it was to take in her stead Katharine Howard, daughter to Edmond Howard, and Neece to Thomas of Norfolke, whom he beheaded the yeere following, accusing her to haue violated her chastity before shee was married, and opens the Royall-Bed to Katharine Parre, a Knights daughter, [Note: Katharine Parre. ] and the second time Widdow. Now when through intemperancy of his youth, he perceiued the vigor of his body to decay; being angry with the French King for hauing ayded the Scots against the English, hee reconciles himselfe, and makes alliance with the Emperour Charles, against the French, who hauing quite forgot the diuorce of Katharine his Aunt, secretly giues him hope to reconcile him to the Church of Rome. [Note: Reconciles himselfe with the Emperour Charles. ] After, hauing resolued to set vpon France, thereby so much the more to worke himselfe into the Emperours friendship, and quickly to cure the vlcers of his conscience, [Note: Assures the succession to his Children. ] propounded to the Parliament, which was then assembled, that when hee should happen to dye, and his Sonne EDVVARD without issue, MARIE should first succeed to the Crowne, and afterwards, shee leauing none, ELIZABETH. That if neither left any, the Crowne of England should deuolue vpon such as he would designe eyther by Letters Patents or by Will. Which passed for a Law, with the good liking and consent of all, and that the penaltie of Laesae Maiestatis should be inflicted vpon any that should goe against it. [Note: Take Bologne. ] Being returned from France, after he had taken Bologne, and consumed much treasure, and beeing sad and heauy to see England deuided by new opinions which daily sprang vp, and England groaned for sorrow to see her selfe so exhausted of her riches, her Money corrupted with Brasse, her Monasteries, with the Monuments of great antiquity, ruined, the bloud of Nobles, Prelates, Papists, and Protestants promiscuously spilt, and entangled in a Scottish warre, [Note: Dyed. ] hee died with a perpetuall fluxe of Grease flowing from him, caused by a poysonous inflammation in the thigh: An. 1547. he breathed his last. A magnanimous Prince, but I know not what confused temper of spirit he had: great vertues he had; and no lesse vices. EDVVARD his sonne hauing scarce attained to the age of tenne yeeres, succeeded him, [Note: King Edward the Sixth succeedeth his Father. ] and had for his Protector, Edw. Seymor Duke of Sommerset, his Vnkle, vnder whom the English hauing taken vp armes, for to reuenge the violated faith of the match agreed vpon betweene Edward and Marie Queene of Scotland; the English obtained a notable victory ouer the Scots neere Musselborough; this pernicious Law of Six Articles, and others which had beene established by King HENRY the Eighth, against the Protestants, are suppressed, and those which tended to the abolishing of the Popes authoritie confirmed; the Masse abrogated; [Note: The doctrine of the Gospel is brought in. ] the Images taken out of the Temples; the Bookes of the Old and New Testament imprinted; the Diuine Seruice celebrated in the vulgar Tongue; the Eucharist distributed vnder both kindes: But neuerthelesse the auaritious sacriledge fell rauenously vpon pillaging the goods of the Church, Colledges, [Note: A miserable reigne vnder a King that is a Childe. ] Quiers, Hospitals, as things iudged to bee for superstitious vses: ambition and enuy among the great ones, audacitie and disobedience among the Commons, so insolently exulted, that England seemed to be raging madde with rebellious tumults, taking sides, deprauation of money, and withall, the euils that are accustomed to be during the minority of a King, these wasted and consumed within the Land: Also, dammage was receiued abroad; as the losse of Forts which the English had made in Scotland and in France, and the Towne of Bologne, which had cost so much, which, to the shame of the name of English, was deliuered vp into the French Kings hands for money, with all the Fortresses of the Countrey of Bologne which the English had built, the Cannons and Munitions of warre; when England was so disioynted by diuision, that it was not able to keepe them; and Charles the Emperour hauing no will to ayde it, although he was intreated, in consideration of the alliance with him, excusing himselfe for that it had beene conquered since; no, not to accept of it, being offered vnto him gratis. And to adde an ouer-plus of infelicity, the Protector not being wary enough of the subtilty and deceits of Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, [Note: The Protector is sacrificed to death. ] is by vertue of a new law condemned of Felony: for, entring into counsell how to take away the liues of some of the Kings Councellors, to wit, of Dudley, and some others, hee lost his head, and his Sonne by a priuate Law bereaued of the greatest part of his patrimony, and of his Fathers honours. The King being vnprouided of his faithfull Guard, is snatched away (vncertaine whether by sicknesse or poyson) before hee was ripe, leauing an incredible griefe with his people for the great and excellent vertues which hee had, farre surpassing his age. At the same dolefull and heauy time, Dudley hauing broken the fraternall amity that was between the Protector and Tho. Seimor his brother, vpon occasion of an emulation of Women, which was betweene the Queene Dowager, wife to Thomas, and the Dutches of Somerset, the Protectors wife, amongst other things, to conuict Thomas, of Crimen laesae Maiestatis, that he intended to reduce the King into his owne power, and to marry ELIZABETH the Kings Sister; shee indeed ignorant of the matter, grew vp in yeeres, [Note: Elizabeth in fauour with her brother. ] and was in singular fauour with EDWARD her brother (who neuer saluted her, but called her his sweet Sister;) as also with the Peeres, and the Common-people. For she was full of grace and beauty, and worthy of Soueraigne Authority, of modest grauity, cleere and quickwitted, of a happy memory, and indefatigable in the studies of best letters, insomuch that before she attained to the Age of 17. yeeres, [Note: Her studies. ] she very well vnderstood the Latine tongue, the French, the Italian, and the Greeke indifferently. Neither wanted shee skill in Musicke that was beseeming a Prince, and she sung and plaid cunningly and sweetly. With Roger Ascham, who was to guide her in her Studies, she read the Common places of Melancthon, all Cicero, a great part of the History of Titus Liuius, the choice Orations of Isocrates (wherof she translated two into Latine) Sophocles Tragedies, and she read the New-Testament in Greeke. By which meanes she adorned her tongue with pure words, and instructed her mind with the best documents, and good learning, not for pompe or ostentation, but to recreate her life, and frame her selfe to vertue, that among the learned Princes of her time, shee was held Miraculous. But the death of EDVVARD interrupted the studies of the Liberall Arts: For scarce was he expired, but Dudley Duke of Northumberland (who earnestly coueted the Kingdome for Iane Gray, to whom he had affianced his Sonne) vsed some persons to perswade her to quit the right which shee had to the Kingdome for a certaine summe of money, and great possessions in Land. She modestly answered, that they ought first doe well to agree with Mary her elder Sister, because that during her life, she could pretend no right to it. Anon after, by the publike voice of a Cryer, Iane Gray, HENRY the Eighth's Neece by his second Sisters Daughter, was proclaimed Queene of England: the cause thereof being sought out, was found to bee, that in regard of a Lawe by Act of Parliament, which had neuer been duely abrogated, MARIE and ELIZABETH had beene declared illegitimate, (although that by the same Lawe the King their Father had declared, that after EDVVARD the Sixth, if Issue fayled, that they should succeede him in order) and that by the Ciuill-Law of England, such Sisters could not hereditarily succeede EDVVARD, because they were not Cousin Germanes, but (as our learned in the Law say) of the halfe Blood. They adde likewise, that HENRY the Eighth had by his last will nominated Iane Gray. Moreouer it was shewed, what danger there were, if MARIE and ELIZABETH should marrie stranger Princes, which would re-establish the Popes authority, which was reiected out of the Kingdome. And to that purpose they produce Letters Patents that EDVVARD the Sixth a little before his death had perfected, and many of the Peeres, Bishops, Iudges, and others, by their signes in writing had fortified; neuerthelesse, the goodwill that the Lords and the Commons bore to the Daughters of HENRIE the Eighth, within twentie dayes had driuen away this storme, and MARY proclaimed Queene through all parts of England, [Note: Mary is proclaimed. Elizabeth ioynes with her. ] who comming toward the Citie of London with an Armie, ELIZABETH (not to bee wanting, her Sisters cause and hers being yet disquieted) went accompanied with fiue hundred Horse to meet her vpon the way. In the first Assembly of the Parliament that MARY caused to bee holden, what things soeuer had beene decreed against the marriage betweene Qu. Katharine, and HENRY the Eighth, were abrogated, and it was iudged lawfull by the Diuine Law, and at all times, and at all places auaileable for these reasons, Because it had bin contracted by the consent of both their Parents, of most Illustrious Princes, of most graue Personages as well of England as Spaine, and with a graue and constant deliberation of the learnedest men of Christendome, and consummated by the procreation of Children. The same religious Seruice, and administration of the Sacraments which were in vse at the decease of HENRY the Eighth, are re-established; notwithstanding without any mention of acknowledging the Popes authority, which thing put the Queene and Cardinall Pole into great trouble and vnquietnesse, who thinke that for matter of the marriage, consent of Parents, and the iudgement of the wise, did but onely depend vpon the Dispensation of Pope Iulius the second: and were very angry that the vse of the Sacraments were permitted to those who were not as yet well and duely receiued into the Church, without the authoritie of the Pope. But the States of the Kingdome (and MARY bethought her selfe of it) feared to receiue and acknowledge the Popes authority which they had already shaken off, neither could they suffer that the Queene should quit the Title of Soueraigne head of the Church of England, to which the most part of them, Prelates, Peeres, and Common-people, had sworne to HENRY the Eighth, his heires and successors, and there were many of them that had got their riches from those of the Church. [Note: The English with much adoe subiect themselues to the power of the Pope. ] But tooke it greatly to heart to forsake him, perswading herselfe that all the right that she had to the Kingdome of England, was vpholden by no other meanes, then by the power of the Pope, who gaue sentence of her side, after her Father had declared her illegitimate. Verily, many at that time had the Popes power in such hatred, and a strangers yoke, that within tenne dayes after that MARY was married to Phillip King of Spaine, Tho. Wyat, and many others of Kent, brake out into rebellion, perswading themselues, that this marriage was made to no other end, but the more rigorously to presse them downe vnder the Romane yoke, by the strength of Spaine, and dispatch ELIZABETH out of the way, who was next heire to the Kingdome of England. Charles the fifth Emperour knowing what spirits were in England, and that Cardinall Pole was going with power of Legate from the Pope, cast a blocke in the way (not without the Queenes counsell) lest he should trouble businesse not as yet established, that he should not come into England till fifteene moneths were expired, when the third Parliament was ended, and the marriage of MARY and Philip should be celebrated by the Dispensation of Pope Iulius the third, because they were allied in the third degree, and that the Emperour Charles himselfe had heretofore contracted to marry her, being then vnder age, for time to come. At last, being dismissed from the Emperour, he came into England, by demands and obtestations propounded orders, that the lawes against Heretikes might be re-established, all Lawes published against the Sea of Rome, since the twentieth yeere of Henrie the eighth abolished, and the whole body of the Kingdome reconciled to the Church of Rome. The which with great difficulty he obtained, yet not before the goods taken from the Monasteries, Colledges, Bishops, &tc; by Henry the eighth, [Note: Vpon what conditions they were reconciled to the Church of Rome. ] and Edward the sixth, were confirmed vpon like Couenant, to the Queene and the possessors, lest the Kingdome should be disquieted. Foorthwith hereupon, he absolued both the Clergie and people, of the crime of Schisme, and Pope Iulius the third, himselfe with great ioy, celebrated a solemne Masse at Rome, [Note: Reioycing for it at Rome. ] ordained Prayers, published a Iubile, and granted a plenarie Indulgence to all who had giuen God thankes for the revnion of the Kingdome of England. Then is sent vnto him Anthony Viscount Montaigue, Thomas Thurlbe, Bishop of Ely, and Edward Carne, to giue thankes for the pardon which he had granted for the Schismes, and in the name of the King, the Queene, and the Kingdome, and that due submission and obedience should be performed to the Pope and See of Rome. Iulius then being deceased, Paulus 4. gaue them audience and publike conference in the Apostolike Palace, and in the Hall of Kings, receiued their obedience, approued the pardon and absolution granted by Cardinall Pole: And for the well deseruing of Mary and Philip, he, [Note: Ireland erected a Kingdome by the Pope. ] out of the fulnesse of his power, erected for euer Ireland to be a Kingdome, and adorned and marked it with dignities and Royall preheminences. The which the States of Ireland had liberally offered to Henry the eighth, and the Queene a little before vsed and enioyed the same. But these things are not for this place. The Romane Religion seemed then to be well established in England: howbeit the Ecclesiasticall company seeing that Mary was now fortie yeeres old, growne dry and sickly, scarce hoping for any ofspring, [Note: The Papists feare Elizabeth. ] began forthwith to be afraid of ELIZABETH: For they knew she was brought vp in the Protestant Religion, and obserued that all men cast (as vpon a rising Sunne) both heart and eye vpon her. Therefore they seriously consult from the very beginning of Maries Raigne, how to preuent that the Religion now called backe, should receiue any detriment by her. The wiser and more consciencious sort iudged it to be an exceeding foule crime to destroy Royall Linage, and Mary herselfe, who was a godly Princesse (though displeased with her Sister, for the discord of their Mothers) yet certaine sicke-braind fellowes (who neither durst vndertake any thing, nor performe any thing by right or wrong to establish the Catholike Religion) did thinke it fit. And it happened very commodiously, for them, that Tho. Wyat, Peter Carew, Iames Crofts, and others for the Protestants, seditiously endeuoured to doe rash and turbulent things, labouring with all haste to mary ELIZABETH to Edward Courtney, Earle of Deuon-shire. She, as being guilty hereof, [Note: They persecute her. ] is thrust into prison: first of all vncertaine rumors are dispersed, that she was a partaker of sedition, thereupon many are brought in question for their heads, and others brought to the Racke. Croft, with a religious asseueration openly affirmed, that she was no way guilty, and out of all offence for sedition. Wyat also, it was thought, (who was ready to vnder-goe his last punishment) would haue accused her, and hee openly professed the same: Neuerthelesse she is put into the hands of Keepers, who hurry her this way and that way, at length her Seruants and Maides are laide in fetters; harder dealing then her dignity deserued. [Note: The Kings of France &tc; Spaine comfort her. ] In the meane time, the French King, Henry the second, by priuate Letters, full of loue, comforts her, and by many and great promises seekes to draw her into France; whether for loue, or by deceit to beget her a greater danger, I will not say, to make way to the Queene of Scots his Neece to the Crowne of England, after Queene MARY. In like manner, Christian the Third, King of Denmarke, who long before made profession of the Protestants Religion, endeuours all he can, and treates vnder-hand to marry her to Frederick his Sonne. Which when the Papists of England perceyued, they againe threaten perill and mischiefe, and fearing her, cry out, that all of the Romane Religion, Queene and Kingdome, are in ieopardy while shee subsists, therefore necessarily to condemne her, eyther Laesae Maiestatis, or as a depraued Heretique: and during that storme, whilest cruelty was rigorously exercised vpon the meaner sort of Protestants, I. Storie, Doctor of the Law, and others, cunningly giue it out in all places, in seuerall assemblies, that they vnderstood it was practising to extirpate and ridde out Heresie (ayming at her) without sparing the smallest branches. Notwithstanding, moderating her selfe (imitating the Mariner when a storme violently increaseth) heard diuine Seruice, according to the rule of the Romish Church, came often to Confession, [Note: Shee is for feare of death constrained to follow the Romish Religion. ] and verily beeing oft rudely and churlishly disturbed by Cardinall Pole, the terrour of death made her confesse her selfe to bee a Romane Catholique. Howbeit MARY hardly beleeued it, not forgetting that herselfe, being forced by the same apprehension, had by Letters written to her Father with her owne hand (which I haue seene) renounced for euer the authority that the Pope pretended to haue in England, and acknowledged her Father to be [Soueraigne Head of the Church of England] and that the marriage betwixt him and her Mother was incestuous and vnlawfull. Neyther could the Cardinall, and other Prelates, perswade themselues to it, who to assure the Romane Church, wished her to be taken out of the way. But Philip, MARY'S Husband, and other Spaniards, being more iust on ELIZABETHS behalfe, would not heare of that; Not that the fortune of an afflicted Princesse mooued them so much to mercy, as their owne reason circumspectly aduised them. Because (fore-seeing) if ELIZABETH were cut off, that by Marie, Queene of Scots, (next Heire to the Kingdome of England, now married to the Dolphin of France,) England, Ireland, and Scotland, might be ioyned to the Scepter of France; then which, nothing could be more fearefull to the greatnes of Spaine, with whom they haue continuall warres. [Note: They goe about to send her out of the Kingdome, and exclude her from the succession thereof. ] When therefore without impietie they could not put ELIZABETH to death, many thought it would be most aduisedly done, to remooue her farre from England, and marry her to Emanuel Philibert, Duke of Sauoy. Neyther did this please Spaine, who before had purposed her for Charles his sonne. And Thomas Cornwallis, who was of the Queenes Councell, likewise disswaded it, telling Her, that the people of Engla~d would hardly beare it, yea in no wise suffer it, that the next Heire of the Kingdome should be carryed away into a forreine Countrey: At which time, MARY, for her inueterate hatred to ELIZABETH, and because shee refused to marry with Sauoy, grew to that heat of anger, that shee ouer-charged her with reproaches, and often-times would not stick to say, that Marie, Queene of Scotland was the certaine and vndoubted Heire of the Kingdome of England, next to her selfe. These consultations holden against ELIZABETH, were taken away by a warre which MARY denounced in the behalfe of her Husband against France, which although that was the prime and principall cause, shee neuerthelesse alledged others, and those most true, viz. That France, against the Lawes of couenant, had nourished and sustained by his Agents and ministers, the Rebellions of the Duke of Northumberland, and Tho. Wyat, the machinations and workings of Dudley and Ashton against her person, sent out Pyrats against the English Merchants, furnished Stafford with Ships and Armes to possesse the Castle of Scarborough, had attempted by wicked practices to surprize Callais, permitted English mony to be counterfeited and adulterated in France, and inuaded the Low-Countries, which the English by couenant are bound to defend. In this flaming warre, and the Scots stirred vp by the French inuading the Frontiers of England, [Note: Calais lost. ] Calais is lost, the Castles of Lisbanck, Newnambrig, Mere, Oyes, Hammes, Sandgate, the Castle and Towne of Guines, and amongst the frequent Funerals of Prelates, which sad presage seemed to fore-shew the displeasure of the diuine power, MARY, neglected of her Husband, and with concocted griefe for the losse of Callais, (which had beene Englands rightfully two hundred yeeres) with a Feuer and the Dropsie, the seuenteenth day of Nouember 1558. [Note: Qu. Mary dyes: ] departed, hauing reigned fiue yeeres &tc foure moneths: A Princesse of a holy behauior to al, her piety to the poore, liberalitie to the Nobles, and Clergie, can neuer enough be praysed. But, the time was infamous, by the incredible crueltie of Prelates, who polluted England through all parts, with a most sad &tc; dreadfull spectacle, in burning the Protestants aliue. For (as some haue obserued) there were more consumed of all rankes, Bishops, Ministers, and common people, by this vengible and direfull way of death these fiue yeeres, than England saw in all the seuen and thirtie yeeres of HENRY the Eighth. In the reigne of Iohn, Christians against Christians with vs, began to tyrannize with flames. The same day that MARY dyed, within a few houres after, Cardinall Pole, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, [Note: And Cardinall Pole. ] tormented with a quartane Feuer, expired. A man whom pietie, learning, and integritie, had made much more famous than the splendor of his Royall Race, though hee was Nephew to George, Duke of Clarence, Brother to Edward the Fourth, King of England.
the table of contents removed
THE HISTORIE OF THE MOST High, Mighty, and Inuincible Princesse, [Note: Booke 1. 1558. ] Queene ELIZABETH, of most happy and neuer-dying memory: OR ANNALLS Of all the most remarkable things that happened during her blessed Raigne ouer the Kingdomes of England and Ireland, &tc;c.
The first yeere of her Raigne, Anno 1558.
AFter that for certaine houres, [Note: Queene Maries death is knowne. ] the decease of Queene MARY had beene concealed, the Peeres, Prelates and Commons of England, being at that time assembled together in Parliament: First, notice was giuen to them of the vpper house, which were in a manner strucke silent with griefe and astonishment for a while. But they presently after rowzed vp their [page 2] spirits and amazed senses, moderating their mournings with ioy, either not to seeme altogether sad, or sorrowfull, that Queene ELIZABETH succeeded the Crowne; or else ioyfull, that by the death of Queene MARY, the succession thereof fell to her Maiesty: so they bent their cares to publike affaires, and with a common accord and firme resolution, concluded and agreed, that by the law of succession in the 35. yeere of King HENRY the eighth, ELIZABETH was, &tc; ought to be declared true and legitimate Heire of the Kingdome. Therefore at that instant Nicholas Heath, Lord Archbishop of Yorke, and Lord Chancellour of England, carried the first newes to those of the Lower-house, giuing them to vnderstand, with much sorrow and sighs, that death preuenting the course of nature, had depriued them of a Queene, no lesse fauourable to the Roman Religion, then kinde and louing to the Common wealth, and that each member of the Vpper-house had receiued such extreme griefe thereby, that they seemed to be comfortlesse, without hope of consolation, if God (through his speciall grace &tc; fauour towards the English Nation) had not reserued for them ELIZABETH, another Daughter to King HENRY the [...]. to succeed her Sister, and that her right to the Crowne was so euident and true, that no man could, nor ought to make any doubt or question thereof, and that the Peeres and Prelates of this Realme had all, with one accord and voice determined, that she should be forthwith publisht Queene, and proclaimed Soueraigne, if they were so pleased to condescend thereunto. Which words being scarce vttered, the whole Assembly immediatly, with a common acclamation cryed aloud, [Note: Queene Elizabeth is proclaimed Queene by the Kings &tc; Heraulds of Armes. ] GOD SAVE QVEENE ELIZABETH, that her Raigne may be long and happy. And immediatly, the whole Parliament rising, she was openly proclaimed Queen by sound of Trumpets (first in Westminster-Hall; and then soone after, thorow the whole City of London) by the title of Queene of England, France and Ireland, and Defendresse [page 3] of the faith, with the happy applause and ioyfull shouting of all the people (vndoubted presages, truly most happy) for indeed no Prince was euer cherisht of his people and Subiects with more ardent and constant loue, and zealous affection, then this Queene was, nor none receiued and welcommed with more respect and ioy, then she hath beene, nor blessed and prayed for with more vowes and prayers, so often iterated, as this happy Princesse hath beene all her life time: chiefly, when shee shewed her selfe in publike, or openly abroad. Queene ELIZABETH was about fiue and twenty yeeres of age when her Sister died. But she was so rarely qualified by aduersity, and so well accomplisht and accommodated by experience (which are most effectuall Tutors) that she had purchased Prudence and Iudgement, farre aboue the capacity of her age, and of her pregnant wit and admirable wisdome: she gaue sufficient proofe and worthy testimony in the election and choice that shee made of her Priuie Councellors; for she tooke into her Priuie Councell, [Note: Her Maiestie makes choice and election of a priuie Councell. ] the aforesaid Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of Yorke, a Prelate no lesse prudent, then modest and discreet, William Poulet, Marquesse of Winchester, Lord high Treasurer of England, Henry Fitz-Allen, Earle of Arundel, Francis Talbot, Earle of Shrewsbury, Edward Stanley, Earle of Darby, William Herbert, Earle of Pembrooke, Edward, Baron of Clynton, Lord high Admirall, The Lord Howard, Baron of Effingham, Lord Chamberlaine, Sir Thomas Cheney, Sir William Peter, Sir Iohn Mason, Sir Richard Sackuile, Knights, and Nicholas Wotton, Deane of Canterbury. All which had beene Priuie Councellors to Queene MARY, and professing her owne Religion. Shee adioyned to them by temporizing (according to the time) these vndernamed (who were all Protestants, and had had no office at all) nor charge of gouernment in Queene MARIES Raigne) William Parr, Marquesse of Northampton, Francis, Lord Russell, Earle of Bedford, Thomas Parr, Edward Rogers, [page 4] Ambrose Caue, Francis Knollys, and William Cicill, who before had beene Secretary to King EDVVARD the sixth, a noble Gentleman, most wise, vnderstanding and iudicious, whose learning and worth exceeded many others: and a little after she brought in Sir Nicholas Bacon, whom she made Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England. She so ordered and tempered them in place with all those which succeeded since in such sort, that they were true, faithfull, and affectionate to her Maiesty, and she alwaies free, and not subiect to any. [Note: Her Maiestie hath a speciall care aboue all things to re-establish the true Religion. ] At these happy beginnings, her first and chiefest care was, to re-establish the Protestant Religion: the which, as much by the instruction and knowledge that shee had receiued thereof from her infancy, as also by her owne particular iudgement, she firmely held and maintained to be very true, and most conformable to the holy Scripture, and to the sincerity of the primitiue Church, &tc; so effectually resoluing in her heart to settle and re-establish the same, that she imployed to that purpose some of her Councellors, being the most intimate: &tc; with the rest of the other Lords of her most honorable Priuy-Councel, she tooke order that the Ports &tc; Hauen-Townes should be fast shut, secured, and fortified. The Tower of London, she committed to the care of one, whose fidelity and loyalty had been fully approued; a new Commission she sent to Thomas Earle of Sussex, [Note: She ordaines and settles states and domesticall affaires. ] Lord Deputie of Ireland who with a Garrison of three hundred and twenty Horse, and one thousand, three hundred and sixty foot, yeelded in submission the whole Countrey, which otherwise had not bin quiet nor peaceable. Also, the like Commission shee sent, with a clause or restraint, not to conferre any office to Iudges and Magistrates, for to hinder the Conuocation of the Assembly of the iurisdiction by the authority there appointed. New Iustices and Sheriffes shee likewise established in each County, and tooke order, that no money nor coine should be transported by exchange out of the Realme to forraine Nations beyond Sea; and that the Preachers should desist and abstaine [page 5] from treating of questions, or disputing about Controuersies in Religion, and withall, concerning State-affaires out of the Kingdom, she gaue order that Ambassadors should be sent to all Christian Princes, [Note: Her Maiestie takes a great care for forraine affaires. ] to let them vnderstand Queen MARY's decease. She therefore appointed and sent with all speed to the Emperour Ferdinando, Sir Thomas Chaloner, with letters of her owne hand-writing, by which shee gaue him notice of her Sisters death; and that first, by Gods speciall grace, next, by her hereditary right, and through the generall loue and consent of all her Subiects, she succeeded these her Crownes and dignities. And that now she desired nothing more than to maintaine the loue, and to encrease the ancient amitie, which of long time had beene betweene the Houses of England and Austria. To the King of Spaine, who at that time was in the Low-Countries, she also sent Ambassador the Lord Brook, Baron of Cobham, with the like Embassage and Commission, by which shee of new imployed and delegated the Earle of Arundell; Turlbey, Bishop of Ely, and L. Wotton, who before had beene delegated, and appointed by Queene MARY for the treatie of peace in the Citie of Cambray: and adioyned to them W. Howard, Baron of Effingham. She also secretly sent Sir Henry Killigrew Ambassadour to the Princes of Germany, to inflame them in the zeale of Gods pure Religion. To the King of Denmarke, D. B. was sent Ambassador: and to the Duke of Holsatia, also Armigild Waade. Philip King of Spaine, hearing of the death of Queen MARY, [Note: Queene Elizabeth is earnestly solicited to marriage with Philip King of Spaine her Sisters Widdower. ] fearing one way to lose the title of King of England, and the force of that Realme, which were vnto him most vsefull and profitable, and likewise that the kingdomes of England, Ireland, and Scotland, should be vnited to the Crowne of France, by the meanes of the high and mighty Princesse, the Queene of Scotland, hee therefore treats seriously of a match with Queene ELIZABETH, with promise to obtaine a speciall dispensation from the Pope. And to that effect imployed the Earle of Ferie, who had visited her MAIESTIE, by the [page 6] like meanes as he had done Queene MARY in her sicknesse. This Sutor puts Queene ELIZABETH into great anxiety and perplexity, considering how inconsiderate and ingratefull her Maiestie might seeme to be in refusing a Christian Prince, who had already obliged her in other things much, but yet more in this, as to seeke her to his wife, through his owne free desire and motion. The French King likewise was in an extasie, considering how important and dangerous it was to France, if Spaine her enemy should vnite &tc; adioyne to his kingdoms, the Realmes of England and Ireland: therefore hee vseth his best endeuours at Rome, by the intermission of the Bishop of Angoulesme, to hinder the grant of such dispensation, shewing to that end, that Queene ELIZABETH was held for Supportresse of the Protestant Religion, and (rather than faile) went about to declare her illegitimate: But all this most secretly and closely, for feare to irritate England, before that his affaires were throughly well settled. The Earle of Ferie contrariwise, on the other side, labours as hard to bring this marriage to passe, and to that end giues the English Papists to vnderstand, (who were dispersed throughout all parts of the Realme) that it was the sole and onely way left for them to preserue their Religion, and defend their ancient dignities and honours: and that if they should contemne it, hee could not but deplore the misery and calamity of England, as being out of money, vnprouided of men trained vp, and vnskild in the military discipline, void of fortification, and lacking munition and garrisons for Warre, and her Councellors of State depriued likewise of good aduice. And indeed to speake truely, Englands affaires were at that time in a most miserable case, and lamentable state: for England had warre on the one side with Scotland, and on the other side with France; and was in a manner vndone by those debts that King HENRY the Eighth, and King EDWARD the Sixt had run into, and her treasury was exhaust and empty, and the Town of Callais [page 7] had beene but newly lost, and the whole Countrey of Oyes, with all the munition and furniture of warre. The people here were diuided into contrarieties, through differency of religion, and the Queene left without any powerfull friend to assist her; hauing no alliance at all abroad with forrain Princes. But when as her Maiestie had more seriously agitated her spirit, [Note: Her Maiestie refused to marry with the King of Spaine. ] and carefully considered in her minde the proposition of this match, shee findes the holy Scripture expressely inioyning, that no woman ought to ioyne with him who had beene her sisters Husband, no more than it is lawfull for a man to marry his brothers widdow; and therefore that such marriages were directly illegitimate, and wholly forbidden by Gods Law; although the Pope should neuer so much grant a Dispensation. And moreouer, that if she should contract it by vertue thereof, shee should acknowledge and proue her selfe illegitimate, sith shee was issued from the match that King HENRY her father had contracted, after his diuorcing and putting away Katherine of Spaine, [Note: The reason why. ] for hauing beene his brothers wife, which neuerthelesse had beene approued iust and lawfull, according to the Diuine Law by all the Academies of Christendome, and likewise the Synod of London, as well as that of Katherine, vniust and vnlawfull. Her Maiestie therefore endeuours to stop, preuent, and hinder by little and little the course of King Philips suite, by an honest answer, truely modest, and well-beseeming the chaste integrity of her constant virginity, and chiefly grounded vpon scruple of her conscience. But he, notwithstanding all this, surceased not his suite, but persisted therein, vrging her with feruent and frequent Letters: By which shee obserued the manners and behauiours of so great a King, compounded with grace and graue modesty, and truely worthy his Maiestie, the said Letters being much by her admired, in the often publishing of them; yea, her Maiestie taking pleasure to imitate them, vntill some Nobles of her Court began to [page 8] defame and speake against the matchlesse pride and practices of the Spaniards. Also, some of the intimate Lords and fauorites of her Maiesties Priuy-Councell, fearing lest the tender and young spirit of a Maide, often moued, might easily condescend to their desires, told to her MAIESTIE secretly, that both her Maiestie, and friends, with the whole Realme of England, were vndone, if in such Dispensations, or in any thing else whatsoeuer, she should giue any credit, or make the least estimation of the Popes authoritie and power, since that two of them had declared and published her Mother illegitimate, and vnlawfully ioyned in wedlocke with King HENRY the Eighth. Also, that by vertue of such Declaration, the most high and most mighty Princesse the Queene of Scotland should pretend right to the Crownes of England, &tc;c. and that the Pope would neuer retract nor goe from that iudgement, and that her Maiestie should not expect nor looke for any thing good or iust from the Popes hand, who had beene enemies, and shewed themselues vniust both towards her Maiestie, and her Mother: And that the French King laboured hard, vsing his vtmost power and best endeuours at the Popes Court in Rome for to cause the high and mighty Princesse Mary Queene of Scotland, to be acknowledged and declared Queene of England; yet Queene ELIZABETH neuer intended nor meant in her heart to match with the King of Spaine, being quite contrary to her vertuous disposition; hauing a feruent desire and settled resolution to ground and aduance the true Protestant Religion, to which shee was most zealous. Therefore deeming that shee could not vndertake or vphold a worthier thing, more agreeable to God, nor more efficacious for to quench the flames of the pretended loue of so importunate a Sutor, then to labour to procure an alteration of Religion with all possible meanes and speede which could be, not doubting in so doing to alter likewise the will and intent of King Philip: Whereupon and forthwith her Maiesty consulted and tooke aduice with her most intimate [page 9] and sincere Priuy Councellors, [Note: Booke 1. 1559. ] how in abolishing the Roman Religion, she could conueniently settle, in stead of it, the true Catholike and Christian Faith, and examining what dangers might succeed and happen thereby, [Note: Her Maiesty deliberates and labours for the re-establishment of the Protestants Religion. ] and how they could be preuented and auoyded: who fore-see and iudge what dangers could be procured either out of the Kingdome, or within the Realme: without, either by the Pope, who surely would not misse (raging with his excommunications) to expose the Realme as a prey to whosoeuer could inuade it: Or by the French King, who taking such opportunity at the occasion, by that would slake and delay the Treatise of Peace, which was already begun in the City of Cambray: or else, and rather in the behalfe of the Royall Queene of Scotland, would declare open war with England, vnder colour of Enemies, and Heretiques, [Note: She considers what dangers might happen therby. ] and would possesse thereunto Scotland to condiscend to it, which at that time was at his command and disposing: Or by the Irish, who were most addicted to Papistry, and much apt and giuen to rebellion; or by the King of Spaine, who was then most mighty and powerfull in the Netherlands, Englands neighbouring Countries. Vpon this, throughly and well considered, [Note: Without the Realme. ] they first resolue: that for the Popes excommunication, her Maiestie should not feare, accounting it but as a brutish rage and fury, and that if a Peace was offered by the French King, it was behoofefull and requisit to entertaine it; if not, to seek it by all meanes, because in it, it would co~prehend the loue of Scotland, yet neuerthelesse not to forsake or disparage any kinde of waies, the Protestants of France and Scotland. Also, that it was requisite to fortifie and strengthen the Towne and Garrison of Berwicke, with the rest of the Frontires of Scotland, and Ireland, and by all meanes possible to increase and maintaine such formal Ioue, and the ancient alliance with those of Burgundie. Within the Realme: first, [Note: Within the Kingdome. ] by such Nobles who had bin [page 10] deiected from the Queenes Priuy Councell; [Note: Booke 1. 1558. ] next, by such Bishops and Church-men, who should be degraded and put out of their benefices and places; and after, by those Iustices of the peace, that were for each County: as also, by the common people, who vnder Queen MARIES raigne were most affectionate to the Roman Church. Therefore they deemed and thought good, first, to depriue such of their offices, and reprehend them by the seuerity of Laws, as Queene MARY had formerly vsed the Protestants: and therefore, to admit and institute, in each place and office of command, the Protestants onely, and to settle them in euery Colledge of both Vniuersities, and by the like meanes to discharge and turne out all Papists-Professors, and Rectors there, and also such Schoole-masters and Tutors of Winchester, Aeton, and other free Schooles: and for those, who being possest onely of a desire of Change, (though Protestants) had begun to inuent a new Ecclesiasticall Policie, that it was likewise requisit to reprehend them in time: and to suffer and tolerate but one and the selfe-same Religion through the whole Realme, for feare that diuersities of Religion should kindle seditions betwixt &tc; among the people of England, being a warlike Nation, both couragious and generous. Therefore speciall charge and care was giuen to Sir Thomas Smith, a worthy Knight, truely iudicious and wise, also to the noble Gentlemen, M. Parker, Master Bill, Master Coxe, Master Grindall, Master Whitehead, and Master Pilkinton, (who all were most learned and temperate) for the correcting of the Liturgie, which had been before penned and published in English in King EDWARD the Sixt's raigne, without making any more priuy thereunto, but the Lord Marquis of Northampton, the Earle of Bedford, I. Gray of Pyrg, and Cecil. [Note: The Queene rebukes, and reprehends ] But certaine Ministers, impatient of delay, by the length of time which ranne and past away in these things, desiring rather to runne before good Lawes, than to expect [page 11] them, in their feruent zeale began to preach the Gospell of Christs true Doctrine, first, priuately in houses, and then, openly in Churches at which, the Commons, [Note: the impatience of certaine zealous Ministers of the Word of God. ] curious of nouelties, ranne thither, and whole flockes of people resorted to their hearing, from all parts and places, in great multitudes, contesting so earnestly one with another (the Protestants against the Papists) vpon questions of controuersies in Religion, that, for to preuent tumults and seditions, and also the occasions of further quarrels and strifes, the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was, as it were, compelled of necessity to defend expressely by strict Proclamation to all in generall, not to dispute any more, nor enter into any such questions: yet notwithstanding, giuing full leaue and authoritie to reade to her people the holy Gospell, and the Epistles and Commandements, [Note: Queene Elizabeth allowes diuine Seruice to be read in the English Tongue. ] (but not as yet to make any explication thereof) and to haue the Lords Prayer, the Apostolicall Creede, and the Letanie in the vulgar tongue. And for the rest, shee ordained the Romane stile to be obserued, vntill that, by the authoritie of a Parliament, the whole forme of Gods Diuine Seruice should be settled, and of new instituted: and in the meane while, [Note: Her Maiestie celebrates her Sisters Funerall, and that of the Emperour Charles the Fifth. ] her Maiestie solemnized Qu. MARIES Funerall; which glorious preparation made then a most magnificent shew, in Westminster: and shortly after, shee payed to Charles the Fifth his honours, who two yeares afore (rare example of all Caesars, and more glorious than all his victories) in conquering himselfe, had renounced his Empire, withdrawing himselfe from this mortall life, to liue for euer wholly with God.
THE SECOND YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Anno Domini, 1559.
[Note: Queene Elibeth re-establisheth and creates diuers Noblemen. ] AT the beginning of this yeere, Queene ELIZABETH re-established, and restored of new, W. Parr to the dignity of Marquis of Northampton, who vnder Queene MARIES raigne had beene degraded of that honour. Her Maiesty also reconferred the Barony of Beauchamp, and Earledome of Hartford, vnto Edward Seymor, a noble Gentleman, who by the force of a priuat Law, the malice and enuy of his aduersaries, had beene depriued of the greatest part of his Patrimony, and Ancestors honours. Her Maiestie likewise honoured with the Title of Viscount Bindon, the Lord Thomas Howard, second sonne to Thomas Duke of Norfolke, (who was father to the gracious Princesse Frances Dutchesse of Richmond and Lenox, [page 13] now liuing.) Moreouer, her Maiestie created Sir Henry Carie, Baron of Hunsdon, who was allyed to her Maiesty by the Lady M. Bullen; and that Noble Gentleman, Oliuer Saint Iohn, shee made Baron of Bletso, who all were free from the Popish Religion. After this, her Maiesty is conuayed in pompe and Royall Magnificency, [Note: On Wednesday, the 23. day of Nouemb. Queene Elizabeth remoued from Hatfield vnto the Charterhouse, to the Noble Lord NORTHS House, where her Maiesty lay fiue dayes, and rode in open Charet, from the Lord NORTHS House, along Barbican, entring into the City at Criple-Gate. and so came to the Tower, from thence to Westminster, where she was inaugurated. ] from the Tower of London to Westminster, thorow the Citie of London, with incredible applause, and generall acclamations, (which, as her Maiestie was equally venerable, in sight and hearing, increased meruailously) and the next morning, her Maiestie was there inaugurated with the right of her Ancestors, and anoynted by Owen Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlile, when as the Arch-Bishop of Yorke, and diuers other Prelates, had refused the performance of that duty, through a suspicious feare of the Roman Religion; conceiued partly, because her Maiesty had beene brought vp from the Cradle, in the Protestant Religion: and partly also, that she had a little before, forbidden a Bishop (at the Diuine Seruice) from lifting vp and adoring the Hoste and likewise permitted to haue the Letany, Epistles &tc; the Gospell in English, which they held as execrable: Yet Queen ELIZABETH was truely godly, pious, and zealously deuoted: for her Maiestie was not so soone out of her bed, but fell vpon her knees in her priuate Closet, praying to God deuoutly: Certaine houres were by her Maiestie reserued and vowed to the Lord. Moreouer, her Maiestie neuer failed any Lords day and holy day to frequent the Chappell; neither was euer any Prince conuersant in Diuine Seruice, with more deuotion, then her sacred Maiestie was. Shee zealously heard all the Sermons in Lent, beeing attyred in blacke, and very diligently gaue attention thereunto, according to the ancient vse and custome, although shee said &tc; repeated oftentimes, that which she had read of HENRY the third, her Predecessor, that her Maiestie had rather in her Prayers speake to God deuoutly, then heare others [page 14] speake of Him eloquently. And concerning the Crosse, our blessed Lady, and the Saints, she neuer conceiued irreuerently of them, [Note: Q. Elizabeths opinio~ concerning sacred things. She cals a Parliament, which is held the second yeere of her raigne. ] neither spake her selfe, nor suffered any others to speake of them, without a certaine kinde of Reuerence. Within few dayes after, there was a Parliament held, in which was enacted by a generall consent: First, that Queen ELIZABETH was and ought to bee, both by the Diuine and Ciuill Law, and the Statutes of this Realme, (and as I may vse their proper termes and forme) the lawfull, vndoubted, and direct Queene of England, rightly and lawfully descending from the Royall Blood, according to the order of succession; which was likewise formerly enacted by Parliament, in the fiue and thirtieth yeere of King HENRIE the Eighth; yet neuerthelesse, that Law was not abolished, by which her Father excluded both her and her Sister MARY, from succeeding him in the Crowne: And therefore it was thought by some, that the Lord Bacon, vpon whom her Maiesty relyed, as an Oracle of the Law, had forgotten himselfe, and was destitute in that particular of his wonted Prudencie, in not foreseeing the euent: and especially, because the Duke of Northumberland had obiected the same both against her Sister MARY, and her selfe; and to that end Queen MARY had abolished it, in as much as concerned her selfe. At which time, there were some that drew against her Maiestie most dangerous inuectiues and conclusions, in such manner as if she had not bin lawfull Queene, although the Lawes of England many yeeres agoe determined, Que la Couronne vnefois prinse ofte toute sorte de defaults. That the Crowne once possessed, cleareth and purifies all manner of defaults or imperfections. But many, on the other side, commended the wisdome of the Lord Bacon therein, as vnwilling, in regard of such confusion of the Lawes and Acts, to open a wound already clozed vp with the Time: For, that which made for Queene [page 15] ELIZABETH, seemed to tend to the shame and disgrace of Queene MARY. And therefore shee held her selfe to the Law made in the fiue and thirtieth yeere of King HENRY the Eighth, who restored and vpheld, in a certaine manner, each of their Honours. Afterwards, [Note: Propositions to reforme Religion. ] there was in the Parliament likewise propounded, that forasmuch as concerned the Crown of England, and the ancient iurisdiction in Ecclesiasticall matters, should be re-established, with the Lawes of King HENRY the Eighth, against the Sea of Rome; and of EDVVARD the Sixth, in the behalfe of the Protestants, which Queene MARY had vtterly abolished; ordaining, That all Iurisdictions, Priuiledges, and Spirituall Preheminences, which heretofore were in vse, and appointed by Authority, for to correct Errours, Heresies, Schismes, Abuses, and other Enormities in Ecclesiasticall Affaires, should for euer remaine as vnited to the Crowne of England; and that the Queenes Maiestie with her successors, should likewise haue full power to appoint Officers by their Letters Patents, to execute this Authority: neuerthelesse, vpon this charge, that they should not define any thing to be haereticall, but that which had beene declared such long agoe, by the holy and Canonicall Scriptures, or by the foure first Oecuminike Councels, or others, according to the true and naturall sense of the holy Scripture; or which should afterward in some Synod, by the authority of the Parliament, and approbation of the Clergie of England, be declared, That euery Ecclesiasticall Magistrate, and such as receiue pension out of the publike Treasure, to aduance and promote themselues in the Vniuersities, to emancipate Pupils, to inuest Domaines, or receiue seruants of the Royall House, were oblig'd by Oath, to acknowledge her Royall Maiestie, the sole and soueraigne Gouernour of the Realme (for as much as concerneth the Title of Soueraigne Head of the Church of England, it pleased her not) in all things, or causes as [page 16] well spirituall as temporall, all forraigne Princes and Potentates excepted, entirely excluded, to informe of any causes within the Lands of her obeysance. [Note: The 18. of March. ] But there were nine Bishops that sare the same day in the vpper House of Parliament, and opposed themselues, and were wilfully refractary against these Lawes (beeing then but foureteene aliue) namely, the Arch-Bishop of Yorke, the Bishops of London, of Winchester, of Worcester, of Landaff, of Couentrie, of Exceter, of Chester, and of Carlil, with the Abbot of Westminster. And amongst the Nobility, there were none that gaue aduice that England should bee reduced againe to the vnity of the Romane Church, and obedience of the Apostolike Sea, except the Earle of Shropshire, and Anthony Browne, Vicount Montaigue; who, as I said here before, was in Queene MARIES Raigne, sent in Ambassage to Rome, by the States of the Kingdome, with Thurbey, Bishop of Ely; who by a feruent zeale of Religion, insisted sharpely, that it were a great shame for England, if she should retire so suddenly from the Apostolike Sea, vnto which it was but lately reconciled; and more danger, if by reason of such reuolt, it should be exposed (by the thunder of an Excommunication) to the rage of her enemies: That by order and authority of the States, hee had, in the name of the whole Kingdome of England, offered obedience vnto the Pope, and hee could not but acquite himselfe of this promise. And therefore he tryed and endeuoured to preuaile so much by Prayers, that they would not retyre or draw backe from the Sea of Rome, of which they held the Christian Faith, which they had alwaies kept. But when these things were brought to the Lower House, there were many more than in the vpper House, that consented ioyntly to these Lawes. Wherevpon the Papist, murmuring much, said, that of a deliberate purpose, they had elected the most part of the Deputies amongst the Protestants, aswell of the Shires, as of the Cities &tc Corporations, [page 17] and that the Duke of Norfolke, and the Earle of Arundell, the most powerfull and mightyest amongst the Peeres, had industriously bribed the suffrages for the profit which they drew, or hoped to draw thereby. Spirits then disagreeing for matters of Religion, by one and the same Edict, all persons were forbidden to speake irreuerently of the Sacrament of the Altar; and permitted to communicate vnder both species: And a Conference appointed against the last of March, [Note: They establish a Dispute betwixt Protestant and Papist. ] betwixt the Protestants and the Papists, in which the States of the Land should bee present; and for the same, to keepe and hold elect, for the Protestants, Richard Coxe, Whitehead, Edmund Grindall, Robert Horne, Edward Sandes, Edward Guests, Iohn Elmar, and Iohn Iewell: For the Papists, Iohn White, Bishop of Winchester, Rad. Bain, of Couentrie and Lichfield, and Thomas Watson of Lincolne; Doctor Cole, Deane of Saint Paul; Doctor Landgal, Arch-Deacon of Lewis, Doctor Harpesfield of Canterbury, and Doctor Chatsie of Middlesexe. The Questions propounded, were these following: Of the celebration of the Diuine Seruice in the Vulgar Tongue: of the authority of the Church, for to establish or abolish Ceremonies, according as it is expedient, and of the Sacrifice of the Masse. But all this Disputation came to nothing; [Note: The successe thereof. ] for after some conference, and writings deliuered from the one to the other side, and not agreeing vpon the forme of the disputing, the Protestants began to triumph, as obtayning the Victory, and the Papists to complaine of their hard vsage, for not beeing aduertised but a day or two before: and that Sir Nicholas Bacon, the Lord Keeper (being a man little read in Theologie) and their great Enemie, sate as Iudge, although he was but meerely appointed for Moderator. But the truth is, that hauing thought more seriously vpon this matter; they durst not, without expresse order fro~ the Pope, call in question such high points which are not argued in the Church of Rome. And they [page 18] cryed of all sides, When is it, that one shall knowe, what hee ought truely to beleeue, if it be alwaies permitted to dispute of Faith? Disputers of Religion alwaies returne to the Scepters, and such like things. And the Bishops of Lincolne and Winchester were so offended with it, that they were of opinion, that the Queen, and those that had caused her to forsake the Church of Rome, should be excommunicated, and punished with imprisonment for it: But the wiser sort, that it must be left to the Iudgement of the Pope, for feare that those which were her Subiects, should not seeme, in doing this, to shake off their obedience due to their Princesse, and to display the Ensigne of Sedition. And that was not hidden to the Pope, [Note: Sir Edward Carne is detayned at Rome. ] who beeing also presently moued with Choller, commands Sir Edward Carne of Wales, a Ciuill-Lawier, who had beene Ambassadour at Rome for HENRY the Eighth, and MARY, and was then for Queene ELIZABETH, to quite this charge, and (to vse the same termes) by the vigor or force of the commandement that was made vnto him, by the Oracle of the liuely voice of our most holy Lord the Pope, in vertue of the most holy obedience, and vpon paine of the greatest Excommunication, and losse of all his goods, not to goe out of the Citie, but to take vpon him the administration of the Hospitall of the English: And did it, to hinder, that hee should not giue notice of the secret traines of the French, against Queene ELIZABETH, as he had done before, with a great care, for the loue he bore to his Countrey. Neuerthelesse, some thought that this old man, voluntarily chose this exile, for the zeale he bore to the Roman Religion. [Note: Disputes and strifes for the Towne of Calais. ] In the meane time, (I omit for a while the affaires of the Church and Parliament, to obserue the order of time) the Embassadours of England &tc Spaine, which treated of Peace in the Citie of Cambray, were in debate with the French about the restitution of Calais, but they could not in any manner obtaine it, although they should haue propounded [page 19] to quit the~ of three Millions of Gold, which France ought by lawfull obligation. The Spaniard, who otherwise altogether different from Peace, held the English side, and surely with as much trueth as honour, because the Queene had lost this Town by his occasion; &tc fore saw that it was expedient for Flanders, that it should be in their obedience. The French interrupted hime saying, that shee alone could not recompence the damages which the English had done them, their Townes beeing taken by the Spaniards by reason of their ayde; and many Borroughs in base Brittaine were sackt and burned; many Ships taken, and their Commerce or Traffique, which is the sinewes of War, broken: That they had disbursed infinite summes of money, to hinder their firings; that Calais was the ancient patrimony of France, and that if it had beene lost by Warre long agoe, it had also then beene recouered by Armes; therefore, that it ought not to be restored, and that the States of France had so resolued. That surrendring it, were, to put weapons into their Enemies hands, and withdraw for euer the Kings Subiects from his obedience: and therefore that it was an vniust thing for the English to demand it. The English, on the contrary, maintained, that they demanded it with reason and Iustice; because, say they, during one, yea, two ages, he had tooke Englands part, and that they had not onely conquer'd it by Warre, but that it was also falne vnto them by hereditary succession, and by cession made by vertue of the pactions and agreements, in exchanges of other places, which the Kings of England had likewise granted to them of France. That these damages ought not to be imputed to them, but to the Spaniards, who, against their will, had drawne and associated them in this Warre; in which, through the losse of well-fortified places, &tc the taking of many of their Captaines, they had receiued much more damage than the French, and had had no profit therby. That all that the States of France order or decree, is [page 20] not reasonable, because it is only profitable; and that Calais could not be lawfully or iustly detayned, seeing that by the Conditions already agreed vpon, all the places that were taken in the late Warres, were restored vnto other Princes. To which, the French replyed, that it was done in consideration of the marriages which ought to be contracted with the other Princes, and hereupon propounded to marry the first Daughter who should issue by the mighty Princesse Mary Queene of Scotland, and the Dolphin of France; with the first Sonne that might be procreated by Queene ELIZABETH, to whom she should bring in dowry the Towne of Calais; and that for this cause, the Queene of Scotland should quit her right which shee had vnto the Kingdome of England; or otherwise, to marry the first Daughter which should be borne of Queene ELIZABETH, with the eldest Sonne that should descend from the Queene of Scotland: and hereupon the English should renounce the right which they pretend vnto the Realme of France, and the French should be discharged of all the debts they ought to England, and that Calais should in the meane time remaine in their hands. But these propositions being vncertaine for another time, they sought to win time, and increase the delayes, but were contemned by the English, who made as if they seemed not to haue heard them. As they stood vpon these termes, the Spaniard hauing aduice that Queene ELIZABETH did not onely breake the marriage which hee had offered her, but likewise changed many things in Religion, began to giue ouer the desire which he seemed to haue before the restitution of Calais; and his Ambassadours almost losing their patience, were somewhat of accord with the French: for the rest made account to continue the warres no longer for Calais, vnlesse the English would contribute more men and money as before, and would aduance it for sixe yeere. [page 21] This raised the heart of the Cardinall of Lorraine, who assured the Spaniards that the Queen of Scotland his Niece was truely and vndoubtedly Queen of England, and therefore that the King of Spaine ought to imploy all his forces, if he made any account of iustice, to cause Calais to be deliuered into the hands of his Niece, the direct Queene of England. But the Spaniards, which suspected the power of France, not hearing that willingly, tryed secretly to draw out of England the Lady Katherine Gray, the yonger Niece of King HENRY the Eighth, for his Sisters sake, to oppose her to the Queene of Scotland, and the French, if Queene ELIZABETH should happen to decease, and to hinder thereby that France might not be augmented by the surcrease of England and Ireland; And strongly insisted, that there should be a Truce betwixt England, and France, vntill such time they should agree together, and that in the meane time Calais should be sequestred in the hands of the King of Spaine, as an Arbitrator of honour. But that was refused as much by the French as the English. Queene ELIZABETH had well presaged that: for shee could not hope for any good from the Spaniards side, seeing that she had contemned and despised to marry with their King, and changed Religion. She also had knowledge, that the treatie of Cambray was not made for any other purpose, but to exterminate &tc roote out the Religion of the Protestants. And truely the consideration of her Sex, and the scarsitie of treasure, made her Maiesty finde, that peace was more to be wisht for than warre, though most iust. Also, it was her ordinary saying, that there was more glory in settling a peace by wisdome, than in taking vp armes to make warre; neither did shee thinke that it was beseeming either to her dignity, or to the dignity of the name of the English, to relye vpon the defence of the Spaniard. And she thought therefore, that it was better for her to make a peace aside and separably, and to go thorow [page 22] and conclude for Calais with the King of France, being sollicited thereunto by continuall Letters from the Duke of Mont-morancy, Constable of France, and the Duke of Vandosme, [Note: A treaty of peace with the French King. ] as also by message of the Duke of Guise, who sent the Lord Gray (who had beene taken prisoner at Guienne, and released to that end. And for to conclude this agreement, B. Caualcance, a Lord of Florence, was employed, who from his infancy had been brought vp in England, with whom the French King hauing conferred in secret, did hold that it should be safer to treat thereof by new Commissioners in such priuat Country-houses of the Kingdomes of England or France, that were of no great note. But Queene ELIZABETH being mooued, shewed her selfe to be of a manly courage, in declaring that shee was a Princesse absolutely free, for to vndergoe her affaires either by her owne selfe, or by her Ministers: and although that during the reigne of her Sister, nothing was concluded, but according to the Spaniards aduice, and that shee would neuerthelesse, without giuing him the least notice, or taking his counsell, dispatch these affaires betweene the Deputies of both sides, not in an obscure and priuate place, [Note: The Castell in Cambresis. ] but openly in the Castle of Cambresis, neere Cambrai. This offended no lesse the Spaniard, than the refusall and contempt of his marriage with her Maiestie, with the alteration of Religion, had done heretofore. Neuerthelesse, the French, who was crafty and cunning enough, to discouer how she was affected to match with Spaine, prayed her Maiestie first of all to take away two scruples from them, before the yeelding of Calais; to wit, that they forsaking that Towne, before they were assured whom shee should marry, it might easily fall into the hands of the Spaniard, because that he would haue her Maiestie, if possible, vpon any condition, and that there is nothing so deare, but women will part with it to their beloued husbands: the other, whether, as the Spaniards boast, that the English haue [page 23] such neere alliance with them, that they ought to ioyne in armes with them against all Nations whatsoeuer, to these it was answered, that her Maiestie bore such motherly affection toward the Kingdome of England, that she would neuer part with Calais, for to fauour a husband, and that although her Matie shold grant it, yet England would neuer suffer it. Moreouer, that betwixt her Maiesty, and Spaine, there was not any such alliance, but a meere forced amitie, and that her Maiesty was most free for any contract with any Prince which might be commodious and beneficiall to England. Vpon this, it was thought good and expedient, that the Commissioners of each part should equally vse their vtmost endeuours in the Castle of Cambray, to agree all differences, and to conclude a peace. Therefore Queene ELIZABETH sent for England, as Commissioners, Thurlbie Bishop of Elie, the Lord Howard, Baron of Effingham, Lord high Chamberlaine to her Maiesty, and Doctor Wotton Deane of the two Metropolitan Sees of Canterburie and Yorke. For the French King, Charles Cardinall of Lorraine, Archbishop and Duke of Rheims, the chiefest Peere of France, Anne Duke of Mont-morancy, Peere, Constable, and great master of France, Lord Iames Aulbon, Lord of Saint Andrewes, Marquis of Fronsac, and Lord Marshall of France, Iohn of Moruillier, Bishop of Orliens, and Claude Aubespine, Secretary of the Priuy-Councell of France. These ioyntly agreed and concluded such Articles as are heere set downe almost in the same words. That none of these Soueraignes shall goe about to inuade each others Countries, [Note: Articles of Peace, made and agreed vpon 'twixt the Queenes Maiestie and the French King, Henry the second. ] nor giue assistance to any that should intend any such designe: if any of their Subiects should attempt any thing tending to that effect, they should be punished, and the peace thereby not infringed nor violated. The commerce should be free; and that the Subiects of each Prince, who haue ships of Warre, before they goe to Sea, shall giue sufficient caution not to robbe each others subiects. The fortifications [page 24] of Aymouth in Scotland shall be raysed; that the French King shall enioy peaceably for the space of eight yeeres, Calais, and the appurtenances thereunto; as also, sixteene of the greatest peeces of Ordnance; and that time being expired, hee shall deliuer it vp into the hands of Queene ELIZABETH; and that eight sufficient Merchants, such as are not subiects to the French King, should enter into bond for the payment of fiue hundred thousand crownes to be payed, if Calais were not restored, notwithstanding the right of Queene ELIZABETH still to remaine firme and whole; and that fiue Hostages should bee giuen to her Maiesty, vntill such time as these Cautions should be put in, if, during that time, something might be attempted or altered by Queene ELIZABETH, or her Maiesties Subiects, of her owne authority, command and approbation, by Armes directly or indirectly, against the most Christian French King, or the most mightie Queene of Scotland, they shall be quitted, and discharged of all promise and faith plighted to that purpose; the Hostages and the Marchants should be freeed: if either by the said Christian King, the Queene of Scots, or the Dolphin, any thing should be attempted against the Queen of England, they shall bee bound to yeeld her the Possession of Calais, without any further delay. [Note: A Peace is concluded &tc agreed vpon betweene the Queenes Maiesty and the Queene of Scotland. ] At the very same time and place, and by the same Deputies, there was also a peace concluded betweene the Queen of England, and Francis and Mary, King and Queene of the Scots: whereupon they brought vnto the English &tc Scots, certaine Articles, concerning the grant of safe conduct for those who had spoiled and rob'd the Frontiers, and for the Fugitiues of the Countrey: About which, there being a meeting at Vpsaltington, betweene the Earle of Northumberland, Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of Dunelme, Gu. Lord Dacre of Grillesland, and Iac. Croft, Captaine of the Town and Castle of Barwicke, all English-men, on the one part: the Earle of Morton, the Lord of Home, and S. Cler. Deane of Glasco, all Scottish-men, on the other part: They proclaimed [page 25] thorowout all England, the Peace concluded between the Queene of England, the King of France, the Dolphin, and the Queene of Scots, which seemed very harsh vnto the people, and conceiued to be much dishonourable, in regard that Calais which they had lost, was not restored, the Protestants laying the fault vpon the Papists, [Note: The Lord Baron Wentworth, and others, are called in question, and brought in compasse of the Law, concerning the losse of Calais. ] and they vpon the Baron Wentworth, a Protestant, who hauing beene vnder the gouernement of Queene MARY, accused in that behalfe, and not brought to publique hearing, was againe taxed, and brought to iudgement, but vpon hearing, was freed by the sentence of the Peeres. But Rad. Chamberlaine, who had beene sometime Gouernour of the Castle of Calais, and Iohn Hurleston of the Fort of Risbanc, were adiudged to dye, as guilty de laesa Maiestate, for abandoning their places; howsoeuer their censure was remitted. The Parliament being ready to breake vp, those which were there, thought good to aduise the Queene, forthwith to marry, the great ones being vnwilling to yeeld to that, [Note: The whole Parliament doe exhort Queene Elizabeth to marry. ] for feare lest some of them might be thought to make this proposition out of some hope which they might haue for themselues. Hauing then appoynted Th. Gargraue, Deputie of the Lower-house, to deliuer this message, he addresses himselfe to the Queene, with a few choyce men: Hauing first by way of preamble intreated admittance, and excusing himselfe with the graciousnesse of her Maiesty, and the importance of the affaires he had to deliuer, by this meanes procured audience, and in this manner spake vnto her
MADAME:This is the whole summe of what he spake vnto her, with a great deale of eloquence, and more words.
There is nothing which wee continually begge at the hands of God with more ardent Prayers, [Note: Thomas Gargraue's Speech made to her Maiesty to that purpose. ] than the perpetuity of that happinesse, which [page 26] your iust and vigilant gouernement hath hitherto procured vnto the English Nation. But wee cannot conceiue how this should alwayes continue, vnlesse that (which wee cannot hope for) you should continually reigne, or by disposing your selfe to marriage, might leaue Children, which might inherite both your vertues and Kingdome together; the Almightie and good God so grant. This (MADAME) is the simple and vnanime desire of all the English, which is the conceit of all others: Euery one ought to haue a care of that place and estate hee hath, and Princes especially, that sithence they are but mortall, the Common-wealth might bee perpetuis'd in immortalitie. Now, this eternitie you may giue vnto the English, if (as nature, age, and your beauty requires) you would espouse your selfe vnto a Husband, who might assist and comfort you, and, as a Companion, participate both in your prosperities and aduersities. For questionlesse, the onely assistance of an Husband, is more auayleable in the ordering of affaires, than the helpe of a great many ioyned together, and nothing can be more repugnant to the common good, than to see a Princesse, who by marriage may preserue the Common-wealth in peace, to leade a single life, like a Vestal Nunne. Kings must leaue their Children their Kingdomes, which were left them by their Ancestors, that by them they may be embellisht, and be settled; and the English haue neuer had greater care, than to preserue the Royall House from default of Issue. Which is fresh in memory, when HENRY the Seuenth, your Grand-father, prouided marriage for ARTHVR, and HENRY his Children, being yet of tender yeeres; and how your Father procured in marriage for EDWARD his sonne, hauing scarce attayned to eight yeeres of age, Mary the Queene of Scots; and sithence, how MARY your Sister, notwithstanding [page 27] shee was deepely strucken in yeeres, married Philip the King of Spaine. So, as if the want of Issue be ordinarily giuen by GOD as a curse vnto priuate Families, how great an offence is it then in a Princesse, to be a voluntary author of it to her selfe, sithence so many miseries ensue thereby; that they must needes pester the Common-wealth with a multitude of calamities; which is fearefull to imagine? But, MADAME, wee, this small number of your Subiects, who heere humble our selues at your Maiesties feete, and in our persons, all England in generall, and euery English-man in particular, doe most humbly beseech, and with continuall sighs coniure your Maiestie, to take such order, that that may not be.
To whom, in few words, shee answered thus;
IN a thing which is not much pleasing vnto mee, [Note: Her Maiesties answer to them all. ] the infallible testimonie of your good will, and all the rest of my people, is most acceptable. As concerning your instant perswasion of mee to marriage, I must tell you, I haue beene euer perswaded, that I was borne by God to consider, and, aboue all things, doe those which appertaine vnto his glory. And therefore it is, that I haue made choyce of this kinde of life, which is most free, and agreeable for such humane affaires as may tend to his seruice onely; from which, if eyther the marriages which haue beene offered mee by diuers puissant Princes, or the danger of attempts made against my life, could no whit diuert mee, it is long since I had any ioy in the honour [page 28] of a Husband; and this is that I thought, then that I was a priuate person. But when the publique charge of gouerning the Kingdome came vpon mee, it seemed vnto mee an inconsiderate folly, to draw vpon my selfe the cares which might proceede of marriage. To conclude, I am already bound vnto an Husband, which is the Kingdome of England, and that may suffice you: and this (quoth shee) makes mee wonder, that you forget your selues, the pledge of this alliance which I haue made with my Kingdome. (And therwithall, stretching out her hand, shee shewed them the Ring with which shee was giuen in marriage, and inaugurated to her Kingdome, in expresse and solemne termes.) And reproch mee so no more, (quoth shee) that I haue no children: for euery one of you, and as many as are English, are my Children, and Kinsfolkes, of whom, so long as I am not depriued, (and God shall preserue mee) you cannot charge mee, without offence, to be destitute. But in this I must commend you, that you haue not appoynted mee an Husband: for that were vnworthy the Maiestie of an absolute Princesse, and the discretion of you that are borne my Subiects. Neuerthelesse, if GOD haue ordayned mee to another course of life, I will promise you to doe nothing to the preiudice of the Common-wealth, but, as farre as possible I may, will marry such an Husband as shall bee no lesse carefull for the common good, than my selfe. And if I persist in this which I haue proposed vnto my selfe, I assure my selfe, that GOD will so direct my counsels and yours, that you shall haue no cause to doubt of a Successour: which may be more profitable for the Common-wealth, than him which may proceede from mee, sithence the posterity of good Princes doth oftentimes degenerate. Lastly, this may be sufficient, both for my memorie, and honour [page 29] of my Name, if when I haue expired my last breath, this may be inscribed vpon my Tombe:
Here lyes interr'd ELIZABETH,
A Virgin pure vntill her Death.
And moreouer then this, they instituted in this Assembly of State, certaine Orders, [Note: Other Laws and ordinances established by that Parliament. ] to preuent any forcible attempt vpon the person of the Queene; to restore tenths, and first fruites to the Crowne, and to establish in euery Church an vniformity of publike Prayer, termed the Letany, and the forme of administring the Sacraments vsed vnder EDVVARD the Sixth, with very little alteration; with a penaltie vpon such as should depraue them, or vsurpe any other then that forme: to attend Diuine Seruice, Sundayes and other holy dayes, vpon twelue-pence damage, to be imployed for the poore, for euery such default co~mitted. As also co~cerning seditious broyles against the Queen, the sale of Deaneries, all maritime Causes, the traffique for Cloth and Iron, mutinous and vnlawfull Assemblies: And (to omit the rest, sithence there is no order imprinted) things concerning the possessions of the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops; intending, that they could neither giue, or farme out the Church-Liuings, but onely for the space of one and twentie yeeres, or for tearme of three liues, as they say, to any other person but the Queen and her successors, the reuenews of former Arrerages still reserued. So as this reseruation of the Queene, which onely tended to the benefit of her Court, who abused her bounty; and the Bishops, who were carefull enough for their own profit, continued still in force, vntill King Iames came to the Crown, who vtterly cut it off for the good of the Church. [Note: The Nobles of the Land reestablished. ] But there was no Act for it; howbeit in the former Parliaments of Kings there was often. Those who were restored to their [page 30] goods and honour, were, Greg. Finch, Baron Dacre, and Tho. his Brother, whose Father was put to death vnder HENRY the Eighth; H. Howard, who was afterward Earle of Northampton, and his three Sisters, the children of H. Howard, Earle of Surrey, who, about the death of King HENRIE the Eighth, had his head cut off for very small offences: Ioh. Gray of Pirg. brother to the Marquesse of Dorset: Iames Croft, and H. Gates, who were conuicted of Treason, de laesa Maiestate, vnder Queene MAREIS Raigne, and diuers others.
[Note: The Lyturgie appointed in English. ] The Parliament being dismist, the Lyturgie conceiued in the Vulgar tongue, was forthwith sent vnto all Churches; the Images, without any adoe, taken from the Temples, the Oath of Supremacy proposed vnto the Bishops, to the Papists, and other Ecclesiasticall professors, who for the most part had formerly lent vnder King HENRY the 8. and all that refused to lend, depriued of their Benefices, Dignities, [Note: Papist Bishops deposed and discharged from their Benifices. ] and Bishopricks. But, certes, as themselues haue certified, in the whole Kingdome, wherein are numbred 9400. Ecclesiasticall Dignities, they could find but 80. Pastors of the Church, 50. Prebends, 15. Rectors of the Colledge, 12. Arch-Deacons, and so many Deanes, 6. Abbots, and Abbesses, and all the Bishops that were then in Seance, and were 14. in number, besides Anthony, Bishop of Landaff (who was the calamity of his Sea.) Also N. Heath, Archbishop of Yorke, who, for nothing, had voluntarily left the Chancellorship, &tc liued many yeeres after in a little house of his owne at Cobham in Surrey, seruing God, and studying good workes, and so acceptable to the Queene, that she refused not to visite him in that obscure place, with admirable courtesie. Edward Bonner, Bishop of London, who was sent Ambassador to the Emperour, the Pope, and the King of France; but such a one, as mixt his Authority with such a sharpnes of nature, that he was noted of diuers for cruelty, and kept prisoner the most part of his life. Cuthbert Tunstal [page 31] of Durham, a man most expert in Learning, possest of many honours within the Kingdome, besides, employ'd as Ambassadour abroad, in diuers waighty Affaires; contested rudely (being yet very young) against the primacy of the Pope, by a Letter written to Cardinall Pole: and being a little elder, dyed at Lambeth; where dyed also, Th. Thurlbey, Bishop of Ely, who had the honour to bee accounted most discreet in an Ambassage, sent to Rome to offer obedience to the Pope, and about the Treaty at Cambray. Gilbert Bourn of Bath and Wels, who had worthily deserued in his place. Iohn Christopherson of Chester, so vnderstanding in the Greeke Tongue, that hee translated diuers workes of Eusebius and Philon, to the great benefit of the Christian Common-wealth. Ioh. White, de Winton, generally learned, and reasonably qualified in Poetry, according to the fashion of the time. Tho. Watson of Lincolne, very pregnant in the acutest Diuinity, but somewhat in an austere graue manner. Rad. Bain of Couentrie and Lichfeild, who was one of the restorers of the Hebrew tongue, and chiefe professour of the same in Paris, vnder the Gouernment of Francis the first, vnder whom Learning beganne to flourish. Owen Oglethorp of Carlile: Ia. Turberuile of Exceter: and D. Pole of Peterborough: Fequenham the Abbot of Benedictins, a sage and good man, who liued long, and by his publique almes, wonne the heart of his Aduersaries, but was put by his place. All these were first imprisoned; but forthwith, for the most part, left to the guard, either of their friends, or the Bishops: except these two, more turbulent then the rest; the Bishop of Lincolne, and the Bishop of Winchester, who threatned to excommunicate the Queene. But these three, Cuthbert, a Scottish-man, Bishop of Chester: Richard Pat of Wigorne: and Tho. Goldwell of Asaph, voluntarily forsooke the Countrey: in like maner, some religious, and afterward some Nobles, amongst who~, the most remarkable, were, H. Baron of Morle, Inglefeild, [page 32] and Pecckam, both whom were of the Priuie-Councell to Queene MARY, Tho. Shelle, and Ioh. Gagd.
[Note: Other Protestants learned and zealous Diuines, are instituted Bishops in their places. ] The learned'st Protestants that could bee found, were prefer'd to the places of Bishops deceased, and of Fugitiues; and Mat. Parker, a godly, wise, and right modest man, who was one of the Priuie-Councell to King HENRY the 8. and Deane of the Colledge Church of Stocclair, beeing solemnly chosen Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, after preaching of the Word, calling of the holy Ghost, and celebration of the Eucharist, was consecrated by the imposition of hands of three ancient Bishops; Gu. Barlo, Bishop of Bath, Ioh. Scor. of Chester, Miles Couerdall of Exceter; Ioh. Suffragant de Bedford, de Lambeth: and afterward the same Bishops consecrated Ed. Grindall, a rare Diuine, Bishop of London: Richard Coxe, who was Tutor to EDVVARD the Sixth when he was a Child, of Ely: Edward Sands, an eloquent Preacher, of Winchester: Rob. Merick, of Bangor: Tho. Yong, a deepe professor in the Ciuill and Canonicall Law, of Saint Dauids: N. Bolingham, Councellour of the Law, of Lincolne: Iohn Iewell, absolutely iudicious in all liberall Science, of Salisburie: Richard Dauis, of Asaph: Edward Guests, of Rochester: Gilbert Barde, of Bath: Thomas Bentham, of Couentrie and Lichfield: Gu. Alle, a pithy expounder of the holy Scripture, of Exceter: Iohn Parkhurst, a famous humanist, of Norwich: Robert Horne, of a hardie and copious spirit, of Winchester: Richard Chesne, of Glocester: and Edw. Scamber, of Peterborough: but they placed Gu. Barlo, Bishop of Chester, who, during the reigne of HENRY the Eighth, was Bishop of Saint Dauids, and afterward of Wells: &tc for B. of Hereford was appointed Ioh. Scori, a skilfull and iudiciall man, who was formerly Bishop of Chichester: in like maner in the Prouince of Yorke, Yong being transferred from his place of Saint Dauids to Yorke, consecrated Ia. Pilkinton, a most godly and learned man, Bishop of Dunelme: Io. Best, of Carlile, and Gu. Downham, [page 33] of Chester. I leaue Ecclesiasticall Historians to relate what these men were, and what miseries they suffered vnder the Gouernment of Queene MARY, being either fugitiues in the Low-Countries, or hidden close in England.
And forasmuch as Learned men were rare to be found, diuers Mechanicke Shop-keepers, as simple as the Papists Priests, attained vnto Ecclesiasticall Dignities, Prebends, and Benefices of good reuenue; which diuers Priests perceiuing, and hoping aboue all things, to expulse the Protestants out of their Churches, and by this meanes, to get something to relieue the necessities of such amongst them as were deposed, thought it most expedient, both for the aduancement of themselues and their Religion, to sweare obedience to their Princesse, in renouncing the Authority of the Pope, deeming this wisedome meritorious, and were in some hope, to procure from his Holinesse, according to his Iurisdiction, a Dispensation for his Oath.
Thus was Religion chang'd in England, [Note: By what degrees Religigion was altered here. ] all Christendome beeing amazed, that it could so easily bee effected without Sedition: But the truth is, that this change was not so suddenly made: neither can it (since it is so) be easily tolerated, but by little and little by degrees: For, summarily to repeat what I haue herevpon spoken: The Romane Religion continued in the same state it was first, a full Moneth and more, after the death of Queene MARY: The 27. of September, it was tolerated to haue the Epistles and Gospels, the ten Commandements, the Symbole, the Lettany, and the Lords Prayer, in the Vulgar Tongue: The 22. of March, the Parliament being assembled, the Order of EDVVARD the Sixth was re-established, and by Act of the same, the whole vse of the Lords Supper granted vnder both kinds: The 24. of Iune, by the authoritie of that which concern'd the vniformity of publike Prayers, and administration of the Sacraments, the Sacrifice of the Masse was abolished, and the Lyturgie in the [page 34] English Tongue, more &tc more established. In the Moneth of Iuly, the Oath of Allegiance was proposed to the Bishops, and other persons; and in August, Images were thrown out of the Temples and Churches, and broken and burned. And because some malignant spirits, detracting from the Queene, as if shee had assumed vnto her selfe the Title of Chiefe Soueraigne of the Church of England, and authority to celebrate sacred Rites in the Church, she declared by Proclamation,
That she attributed no more vnto her selfe, then what did of long time belong to the Crowne of England; which was, that next vnder God, she had supreme Soueraignetie and power ouer all States of England, whether Ecclesiasticall or Laye, and that no other Forraigne Power, had, or could haue any Iurisdiction or authority ouer them.
[Note: The profit which proceeds from change of Religion. ] By this alteration of Religion, (as Politicians haue obserued) England became the freest Kingdome in all Christendome; because by this meanes, it had
freed the Scepter from forraigne slauery of the Pope of Rome: and most rich, because it preuented the great summes of mony, which were dayly transported to Rome, for First-fruites, Indulgences, Appellations, Dispensations, and such other like things; and thereby the Common-wealth was voide and depriued, beyond all imagination.
[Note: Her Maiesties diligent care to defend both the the true Religion and Common-Wealth. ] The Protestants Religion being thus establisht by th'authority of of the Parliament, the first and principall care of Queene ELIZABETH was, to defend and maintaine it still sound and impregnable against all sort of machynation whatsoeuer, in the very middest of her Enemies, which, through this occasion, she had incurred against her; And shee would neuer endure to heare the least Newes at all. Her second care was, to maintaine equity all her life time, [page 35] and in all her Actions: in token whereof, shee tooke this deuice vnto her selfe:
ALWAYES ONE: [Note: Qu. Elizabeths Motto or Posey. SEMPER EADEM. ]
For her other designes, she concluded them to prouide for the safety of her Subiests: For, as she often said, that to the end the Common-wealth should bee in safety, her selfe neuer could bee: And that, to make her Subiects loue her, her Enemies feare her, and all to praise her; knowing, that what was begunne with wisedome, and kept by care, was firme and lasting. Now, how by her Masculine care and counsell, she surmounted her Sexe, and what shee did most wisely, in preuenting, diuerting, and powerfully resisting the attempts of her Enemies, those that now liue, and shall hereafter, will bee able to iudge of what I shall drawe out and set forth of things, if I may call them so, in the Kingdomes owne memory. At that time, the Emperour, [Note: Her answer to forraigne Princes, interceding for the Papists. ] and the Christian Princes interceding by continuall Letters, that she would vse the Bishops which were retyred out of her Realme, gently, and suffer the Papists to haue Churches in Townes by the Protestants: She answered, that although the Bishops had, in the sight of all the world, against the Lawes and Peace of the Kingdome, and obstinately reiected the same Doctrine which the most of them had, vnder the Raigne of HENRY the Eighth, and EDVVARD the Sixth, propounded to others, voluntarily and by publike writings, that she would vse them meekely, for those great Princes sakes; notwithstanding, shee could not doe it without offending her Subiects: But to let them haue Churches by the others, shee could not, with the safety of the Common-wealth, and without wounding of her Honour &tc Conscience: neither had shee reason to doe it, seeing that England imbraced no new Religion, nor any other, then that which [page 36] Iesus Christ hath commanded, that the Primitiue and Catholike Church hath exercised, and the ancient Fathers haue alwayes, with one voice and one mind, approued. And, to allow them to haue diuers Churches, and diuers manners of seruice, besides that it is directly oppugnant to the Lawes established by the authority of the Parliament, it were to breede one Religion out of another; and drawe the spirits of honest people into varieties; to nourish the designes of the factious; to trouble Religion and Common-wealth, and to confound humane things with Diuine, which would be ill in effect, and worse in example; pernicious to her Subiects, and not assured at all to those to who~ it should be allowed; and aboue all, at their request, she was resolued to cure the particular insolency of some, by winking at something; neuerthelesse, without fauouring in any sort, [Note: The Emperour seekes the Queene for his Son. ] the obstinacie of their spirits. The Spaniard hauing lost all hope to marry her, and beeing ready to marry the Daughter of France, notwithstanding, thinkes seriously of England, nothing desirous that it should be ioyned to the Scepter of France, and to retaine the dignity of so great a Kingdome in his House; obtained of the Emperour Ferdinand, his Vncle, that he would seeke her to wife for his second Sonne: which he as soone did by very louing Letters, and followed it very carefully by Iasper Preimour, a resolute Baron of the Countrey of Stibing. The Spaniard himselfe, to bring her to that, promised her speciall affection; and she of her side, made him offer, by Thomas Chaloner, of her Ships, and commodity of her Hauens, for his Voyage for Spaine, which he was about, with all remarkable duties of Friendship. [Note: The King of France challengeth the Kingdome of England, for the Queene of Scotland. ] The French, on the other side, casting an eye vpon England, left the French Garrison in Scotland, in fauour of the King, Dolphin his sonne, and Mary Queene of Scotland, which hee had promised to take from thence, vpon the agreement before mentioned, and sent thither vnder-hand [page 37] supplies, sollicites the Pope of Rome more vehemently than euer, to declare Queene ELIZABETH an Heretique, and illegitimate, and Queene Mary of Scotland legitimate of England; and although the Spaniard, and the Emperour, hindered by their contrary and most strong practices, (though secretly by the Agents which they had at Rome) neuerthelesse, the Guizes carried their credulous ambition with such a flattering hope, to ioyne Englands Scepter to France, by the meanes of the Queene of Scots their neece, that hee came so farre, as to challenge it for his Sonne, and for his Daughter in Law, and commanded them in all their Royall Letters, to take this Title, Francis and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queene of Scotland, England, and Ireland; and to let the Armes of England be seene in all places, causing them to be painted and grauen together with the French Armes, in their moueables and vtensils, in the walls of their houses, in their Heralds coates of Armes, notwithstanding any complaint that the English Ambassadour could make, that it was a notorious wrong to Queene ELIZABETH, with whom hee had newly contracted a friendship, being manifest that hee had not done it during the reigne of Queene MARIE, though she denounced warre against him. Hee also leuied horse and foote in France and Germanie, to goe to the Territories of Scotland, neerest adioyning to England, insomuch that Queene ELIZABETH had good cause to apprehend it, seeing that he breathed nothing, but after the bloud &tc slaughter of the Protestants. But these enterprizes were broken by his vnlooked-for death, hapning at the Tilting, [Note: Is killed as hee prepared for the war. ] which was for the recreation and solemnizing of the marrriages of his Daughter with the King of Spaine, and of his Sister with the Duke of Sauoy: And much to the purpose it fell out for Queene ELIZABETHS businesse, whom hee resolued to set vpon with all his forces, as well for being an heretique, as also illegitimate; on the one side by Scotland, [page 38] and on the other side, by France. Neuerthelesse, to giue him royall honours after his death, shee caused his funerall solemnities to be performed, as to a King a friend, with the greatest pompe, in Saint Pauls Church in London; and forthwith sent Ch. Howard, Effinghams sonne, now great Admirall of England and Ireland, to condole with him for the death of his Father, and to congratulate his succession to Francis his Sonne and Successour, exhorting him to entertaine inuiolably the friendship which had lately beene begun. [Note: Francis the Second, and the Queene of Scotland, tooke the title of the Kings of England. ] But Francis, and the Queene of Scotland his wife, by the counsell of the Guizes, who then had some power in France, behaued himselfe publiquely, as King of England, and Ireland, kept alwaies the English Armes, which hee had vsurped, and made shew of them more than euer; and N. Throgmorton, ordinary Ambassadour, a wise, but a hote man, complained to them of this. They first answere him, that the Queene of Scotland had right to carry those Armes with a barre, to shew the proximity of bloud which shee had with the royall Race of England. After, when he had maintained, that by the Law, which they call the Law of Armes, it is not permitted to any to take the Armes, and Markes of any House, vnlesse hee be descended of some of the Heires of it, obseruing to tell him, that shee carried them not, but to cause the Queene of England to leaue those of France. But, hauing vpon that put them in minde how D. Wotton had afore-time treated at Cambray, how twelue Kings of England had carried the Armes of France; and, by a right so seldome called in question, that by any of the treaties which were made betweene the English and the French, nothing had beene resolued to the contrary; hee gained in the end, that they should forbeare absolutely to beare these Armes, by the intercession of M. Memorency, the Guizes Emulator, who thought it not to be any honour for the King of France, to take any other [page 39] Title, or to graue in his Seales any other armes, than the Armes of the Kings of France; and shewed, that this Title alone was of more importance than many others; and that the precedent Kings had no other, when they sought their right in Naples and Milan. And truely, from these Titles, and these Armes, which the King of France, at the instigation of the Guizes, hath taken from the Queene of Scotland, then vnder age, [Note: The original of the hidden hatred which hath beene betweene the Queenes of England and Scotland. ] all the disasters which afterwards happened vnto her, haue flowed from that: for from thence came the enmities openly declared by Queene ELIZABETH against the Guizes, and those which shee practised against her priuatly, which by the subtil malice of men, who made vse of the growing enuy, and of the occasions which sprung from day to day, haue beene so fomented on both sides, that nothing could extinguish them but death; for, Soueraigntie admits no Companion, and Enmitie against Maiestie is grieuous. A few daies after, [Note: The French deale vniustly with the English. ] in stead of giuing foure Hostages for the Towne of Calais, as they were bound by the treaty of Cambray, they gaue onely three: the English Merchants are iniuriously dealt with, in France: one of the Ambassador Throgmortons seruants was sent to the gallies, which F. great Prior of France, had taken &tc carried away by force from a publique place: Some Pistols were shot at the Ambassadour himselfe, and in his owne lodging; and to make him the more contemptible, hee was serued at the Table, with no other Vessell, but such as the Armes of England and France were ioyntly grauen on. Finally, la Brosse was sent into Scotland with a troupe of choyce men; Gallies were sent for from Marseilles, and from the Mediterranean Sea. Those in Scotland, [Note: Send men of warre into Scotland. ] which professed the Protestants Religion, and qualified themselues with the title of the Assembly, perswaded by certaine heady Ministers, and especially [page 40] by Knox, a most hot controller of the Royall authority, that it behooued the Peeres of the Realme, to take away Idolatry from their authority, &tc by force to settle the Princes within the limits prescribed by the Lawes, had already refused to obey the Queene-Mother, [Note: The Scots refuse to obey the Queene Regent. ] and Regent, though shee was a modest and a prudent woman, changed Religion, tumultuously ransacking and burning the sacred places, &tc drawne to their partie Hamilton Duke of Chastelraut, the most powerfull of all the Kingdome, much prouoked by the wrongs done by the French, and many Nobles were bayted with hope to haue the Ecclesiasticall Reuenues: insomuch, as they seemed not to thinke of Religion, but to plot in good earnest a reuolt against the Queene Regent, and against the French, which made warre in Scotland: and accused Iames, Prior of Saint Andrewes, Bastard brother to the Queene, their Coriphea, who since was Count of Mura, to haue coueted the Kingdome from his Sister. But, by the holy protestations which hee made vnto them, hee tooke away all suspition of hauing any other ayme but the glory of God, and the Countries liberty; and that, seeing it opprest by the Queene Regent, and the French, he could not chuse but lament most bitterly for it. They sent William Maitland of Lidington Secretary, [Note: They seeke helpe of Qu. Elizabeth. ] to Queene ELIZABETH; and hee, in a pittifull discourse complained to her, that since the marriage of the Queene of Scotland with the Daulphin, the administration of the Kingdome had beene changed, strange Souldiers spoyl'd and ruin'd all, the French were placed in the chiefest offices of the Kingdome, the Castles and strong places put into their hands, the pure money corrupted for their particular profit, and that by these deuices and the like, they fortifie themselues, fraudulently to take away the Kingdome, as soone as the Queene should be dead. Cecill, who was the principall minister that Queene ELIZABETH vsed in this businesse, and in all other, for his singular wisedome, [page 41] employeth H. Percy, who afterwards was Earle of Northumberland, to know what end the Lords of that Assembly propounded to themselues, what meanes they had to obtaine that which they desired; and, if one should send them succour, vpon what conditions might Amitie bee maintained betweene the two Kingdomes. They answered, that they propounded not to themselues any other end, but the aduancement of the glory of Iesus Christ, and the sincere preaching of Gods Word, to extirpate superstition and idolatry, and to keepe the liberty of their Ancestors: which they knew not by what meanes it might be done, but they hoped that God would giue successe to their designes, according to their desire, to the confusion of their aduersaries. And, as for the intertaining of amitie betweene the two Kingdomes; that that, was the abridgement of their wishes; and thereunto vowed their goods, their faith, and their constancy. They deliberate slowly of these things in England, [Note: They deliberate of these things. ] because the Scots were not well furnished with money and armes, nor very faithfull among themselues. But they considered that the Marquis D' Elbeuf, Vnkle to the Queene of Scotland, had leuied men in Germanie, by the meanes of the Ringraue for the Scottish warre; that they had brought downe into the Hauens, peeces for battery; that the preparations which were made, were greater than was necessary for the restraining, as was pretended, of a small number of vnarmed Scots; that the French, to draw to their league the King of Denmarke, promised him, that the Duke of Lorraine should quit the right which hee pretended to haue to his Kingdome, and that likewise the censure of the Pope against the Queene, was more importunately sollicited, than euer, and a sentence declaratory for the right of the Queene of Scots to England: there was sent vpon the frontiers of Scotland, one Sadler, a prudent man, and the Counsellor of the Duke of Northumberland, who guarded the South [page 42] frontier, and Iames Croft, Gouernour of Barwicke. For the Councell of England could not see what these things tended vnto, except to inuade England, and to pursue by armes, that which they attributed to themselues by their Coates and Titles. [Note: They resolue to driue the French out of Scotland. ] Now doe they in England seriously consult vpon the businesse, and it seemed to them to be a very bad example, that one Prince should lend ayde and succour to the subiects of another Prince, who rayse vp broyles and tumults: but it seemed also, that it were an impietie to abandon those who professe the same Religion, a slow wisdome to permit the French (who were sworne enemies to the name of English, challenged the Realme of England, and enioyed at that time, in all places, an assured peace) to remaine armed in Scotland so neere England, and so opportunely for the inuading of that side, where Nobles and Commons of England are most affectionate to the Romish Religion. That it were to deliuer cowardly into the Enemies hand, the safetie of particulars, and the peace of the generall. For that cause, it behooued not to stand vpon dreaming and slow Counsels, but to dispatch and take armes. That the prudence of England had alwaies beene accustomed to goe meete their enemies, and not to waite for them; and that it had euer beene aswell suffered to preuent dangers, as to expell them; to defend themselues with the same weapons that they are assayled with. That England was neuer assured, but when it was powerfull and armed; that it was more powerfull when it had nothing to feare but the Scottish coast; and that to take away this feare, it were meete to assist those which professed the same Religion, and chace the French out of Scotland, against whom Armes are very auaileable, but not Counsels. That for hauing contemned them too much heretofore, they had lost Calais with shame and hurt, and a little before, by surprize, Ableville, and [page 43] the forts neere Bullen, whiles they fained to seeke a peace, which was the cause that Bullen afterwards was constrayned to render, and that they should looke for no lesse of Barwicke, and the frontier Townes, if they tooke not armes the sooner, without staying to see what the French will doe, who looke as if they meant to make peace in Scotland; Their designe being hidden, their ambition infinite, their reuennew exceeding great, insomuch that it is growne a Prouerbe long agoe in England, that France cannot be three yeeres both without warre, and without meanes. Queene ELIZABETH also often alledged this saying of the Emperour Valentinian, Haue French for a friend, but not for a neighbour. It was resolued then, that it was iust necessary, and profitable, to driue the French out of Scotland, as soone as could be possible. In the end, a Nauy was sent into Borrough, [Note: The English are sent into Scotland, both by Land and Sea. ] which is now called Enden-borrough Frith, co~ducted by W. Winter, master of the Nauall Artillery, who, to the great terrour of the French, set vpon their ships, which were there in the Road, and vpon the Garrison that they kept in the Ile of Inch-Keith. Likewise, presently, the Duke of Norfolke was established Lieutenant generall in the Northerne parts towards Scotland; the frontiers of the East, and of the South, were co~mitted to the Lord Baron Gray, who, not long ago, had couragiously, but vnluckily, defended Guien against the French; and Thomas Earle of Sussex, who, in the reigne of Queene MARY, had beene Deputy of Ireland, is sent back thither, with title of Lieutenant, together with speciall command, to ouer-looke this Irish Nation, being so much the more superstitious, by how much lesse it was husbanded and tilled, should not be stirred to rebellion, by the practices of the French, vnder pretext of Religion: to furnish Ophalie, with some small Forts, to giue to the old Soldiers some lands, to be to them and their heires males begotten of their bodies; to receiue Sulij-Boy Scotsh-Irish, to [page 44] hold the possessions which hee had claimed by hereditary right in the Countrey of Vlster, to hold in fee, and to doe homage and seruice for the same: to increase moderately the reuenues of the Prince, and reduce the treasury to the forme of that of England. [Note: The death of Francis L. Talbot, Earle of Shrewsburie. ] While these things passed thus, F. Talbot, the fifth Earle of the House of Shrewsburie dyed, who was one of the chiefe Councellors of the Kingdome, leauing for Heire, George his onely Sonne, by Marie, Daughter to T. Dacre of Gilsland.
the years 1560-63removed
THE SEVENTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. [Note: Booke 1. 1564. ] Anno Domini, 1564.
FRance then reioyced for the peace shee enioyed, which in some manner was maintayned with the Queene of England, as being established, to shut vp all entry to the English, who began to flye out, in calling to mind the cruell slaughters made by them in former ages, when the Duke of Burgundie called them in, for reuenge of his peculiar rancours and hatreds. But this peace hauing rather slaked the feruent heat of warre, than fastned any true concord or amity betweene the English and the French; and the Queenes Maiesty perceiuing how the Protestants neglected and contemned her, ingratefully returning those pleasures and fauours shee had done them, resolued to trouble her selfe no more in others [page 106] behalfe, to the preiudice and hinderance of her owne proceedings. Wherefore, she bent all her care and thoughts to her owne occasions, deliberated to make peace, commended the ouerture thereof to Sir Thomas Smith, a wise and learned man; and the French, lending a ready eare to the same, gaue him Throgmorton for his Assistant, who was then in France a prisoner at large, to the end they might both together negotiate and procure the same. The French King for his part, assigned a Commission to Moruillier, Bishop of Orleance, and to Iohn Bourdin, one of his Secretaries. You may hereunder see the Articles whereupon they came to an accord, in the moneth of Aprill, within the Towne of Troyes in Champaigne. [Note: Articles of peace accorded on betweene the English and the French. ] THat one should not violently assaile the other, neither yeeld succours to any other that made assault either vpon the one or other, particulars onely should be lyable to their peculiar insults and offences. No Traytors nor Rebels of eyther side were to be receiued. All former iniuries were to be buried in obliuion. Excepted all rights, actions, suites, and pretensions, which eyther they haue, or pretend to haue respectiuely one against another, shall remaine forcible and entire, and so likewise all exceptions and prohibitions to the contrary. These Articles concluded vpon, the day following they annexed these Couenants separately, and apart: That a certaine summe of money should be payd to the Queene of England, at daies constituted and appointed: The Hostages in England were to be deliuered after the satisfaction of fiue hundred crownes. And so this Treaty being ratified and confirmed, Throgmorton might freely returne into his Country. The King of France made Bone-fires of ioy, according to the custome, and after the Queene of England had ratified [page 107] the same by oath in the presence of Gunor, and Foix, himselfe likewise within a very small time confirmed it, in the presence of the Lord of Hunsdon, who, hauing at the same instant admitted his Maiesty to the Order of S. George, [Note: The King of France enstalled in the Order of the Garter. ] he solemnely invested him with the Garter, the Robe of honour, a Collar of Esses, whereat hung the picture of Saint George, and other ornaments belonging to that Order. In those dayes, there arriued in England, clad in the habit and grauity of a Priest, to appeare more venerable, Diego or Drilaco, Guzman de la Forresta, a Canon of Toledo, sent in stead of the Bishop of Aquilar, deceased some moneths before, during which internall, Roderic Gomez de la Forresta, out of an hatred to Religion, had bin the procurer of some rude entreaties of the English in Spaine, who notwithstanding was much qualified by the Duke of Alua, [Note: The English ill entreated in Spaine, ] no man being able truely to say, whether hee did it out of any loue he bare to the English, or hatred to Gomez. The like ill entreaty they also found in the Prouinces of the Low-Countries, that liued vnder the Spanish gouernement, [Note: And in the Low-countries. ] at the instigation of the Cardinal of Granuella, who, to sow dissention betweene them and the Flemmings, who held friendly and neighbourly commerce together, in hatred to the said Religion, he so brought it to passe, that the yeere before the Flemmings complayned by Assonuil, that the customes of England were enhaunst, (though this was performed during the reigne of Philip and MARY) and that by Act of Parliament, many of their handy-workes were there interdicted. The English on the other side, [Note: The mutuall complaints of the English and Flemmish. ] they exhibited also Bills of complaint, how for small and trifling occasions, their goods were confiscated in Flanders, by vertue of new Edicts, which also prohibited the bringing in of certaine merchandizes, or to goe into Italie, and Germanie, by way of Flanders, with horse, Salt-Peter, and Powder. That they iniuriously exacted of them greater [page 108] Imposts than euer were so much as mentioned in former times, and all this against that Treaty of Commerce heretofore concluded on, which was called the Grand Intercourse. [Note: English Merchants prohibited in the Low-Countries. ] In the meane while, the Princesse of Parma, Regent of the Low Countries, caused publique prohibitions to be diuulged: first, that no forbidden merchandize should be transported into England, and then presently after, for the importing of any English clothes into Flanders, colouring it with the pretext of the plague, which not long before had spred it selfe all England ouer. But the naked truth is, all these things were managed, by the cautelous counsels and stratagems of Cardinall Granuelle, to cause the Clothiers, and other workemen depending on them, to rise, when they saw no clothes to be transported: and yet the traffique of Clothes was established in Flanders, [Note: The English constitute a Faire or Mart at Embden. ] to the preiudice of the English, who prouoked hereat, constituted a Faire of English cloth and merchandizes at Embden in East Frizeland, as if they feared the Spanish Inquisition, which now was entred into the Low-Countries, and fore-saw that troubles would presently ensue. Against all this, the Regent published an Edict, importing an expresse prohibition of all men, vpon paine of confiscation, to entertaine any traffique with the English at Embden, or any where else, or to transport into the Low-Countries, any Merchandizes bought of them. [Note: Guzman labors to atone this difference. ] Guzman blam'd these proceedings, as beeing too strict and rigorous, dammageable both to the one and other part: For this wise man conceiued truely, what wealth dayly came into Flanders, by meanes of the English Taffique, euer since Lewis Malan, Earle of Flanders, about the yeere 1338. by a Grant of great immunities, had drawne the English, to settle a Mart, or Staple of English Wools at Bruges: for euer since that time, in a manner all Nations flocking into Flanders, to buy Clothes, and other English Merchandizes, [page 109] as also to sell their owne there, it is incredible, what Traffiques, Commerces, Nauigations, and Fishings, haue euer since flourisht among the Flemmings. So as this wooll was vnto them a true Golden Fleece: and that Noble Order of the Golden Fleece, forcheth from hence its originall, and the Dukes of Burgundy, their great wealth and Treasure. And questionlesse, in these very dayes wherein wee liue, (I speake according to the papers of Account) the Commerce that is betweene the English and the Flemmings, hath amounted to aboue twelue Millions of gold each yeere: And the Clothes transported euery yeere to Antwerpe, (omitting to speake of Lead, Tinne, and other things) is estimated at fiue Millions of gold. Wherefore, vpon these considerations, Guzman employing all meanes possible, to atone this difference, at last hee obtained, that the Commerce lately broken off betweene the two Nations, might be resettled in its former state, and that whatsoeuer had beene ordained and decreed, from the first day of the first yeeres raigne of Queene ELIZABETH, both of the one side and on the other, should surcease, till,: by Deputies both for the one and the other partie, more ample prouision could be made. But the yeere following, when my Lord Mountaigue, Nicholas Watton, and William Haddon, Master of the Requests, Delegates for the English, Montigny, Assonuil, and Io. Egidius, for the Flemmings, had begunne twice to treate of these matters in the Towne of Bruges, the Flemmings falling into their precedent tumules, interrupted this Treatie, after an Agreement made, that this Commerce and Traffique should be free, while one of the Princes made an opposite denountiation to the other, the Marchants of both parties being aduertised forty dayes before, to prouide and take some order for their liuing commodities. These things beeing thus ordain'd out of the Kingdome, the Queenes Maiesty betooke her selfe to the pleasure [page 110] and recreations of the Countrey; and to this end shee visited the Vniuersity of Cambridge, which is one of the two resplendent Lampes of England, where beeing entertained of the Schollers, [Note: Queene Elizabeth visits the Vniuersity of Cambridge. ] with all manner of honours, and taken contentment in beholding their Comedies, Tragedies, and exercises of Armes, she personally visited all the Colledges, and in a Latine Oration, gaue them great thanks for their singular loue and affection, highly commended their profound and diuers E[...]uditions, exhorting them to apply their hearts to the studies of piety and learning, and for their vertuous stimulation, promising alwaies to fauour and cherish them. [Note: Robert Dudley raised to honors. ] When shee returned, the more to honour Robert Dudley, Sarlatan, a speciall Fauourite of hers, who~, with a secret designe, she made choice of for an husband to the Q. of Scots, she created him Baron of Denbigh, giuing him the Castle of Denbigh in property, with all the appurtenances of soyle, and Demeanes; and the day after, Earle of Leicester, to himselfe, and the heires males of his body lawfully begotten: hauing likewise before, for his sake, confer'd vpon Ambrose, his elder Brother, the dignities of Baron of Lisle, and Earle of Warwicke, to him, and his lawfull heires males, for euer. The Lord Dudley, exalted by all these supereminent honours, and to currey fauour with the Queen of Scots, whom he affected, and studied by all manner of Offices to deserue well of; presently, before Queene ELIZABETH, [Note: Dudley accuseth Bacon. ] he accused Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the great Seale, of discussing the point of Succession, against the Queene of Scots, and that he was priuy to a Libell, wherein that same Hales, of whom before I spake, laboured to intimate, that if the Queenes Maiesty of England, then liuing, dyed without Issue, the right of the Crowne came to the House of Suffolke. For which cause, he was committed prisoner; and as for Sir Nicholas Bacon, though he absolutely denyed it, my Lord Cecill resoluing to conceale [page 111] what hee thought, vntill the Queene (whose Maiestie hee was assured, would neuer in this case impose on him any demand) should command him to speake his minde: had much adoe to recouer him her fauour, and long time he was a compassing it; [Note: Diuers opinions about the point of Succession. ] for nothing could be more distastfull to her, then to heare any debatements about this Title of Succession. But so the wiser and wealthier sort were more carefull and studious of nothing then of this, they obseruing how by reason of the contrariety of Religion, the Protestants, transported with an ardent zeale, held opinion, that the Queene of Scots, being of an opposite Religion, (though otherwise her right was neuer so much as called in question) ought neuerthelesse, by the subtill construction of the Lawes, to bee reiected from succession: Some Papists againe, and those who had reference to that which was iust and equall, maintain'd how she was to be receiued as the true, right, and vndoubted Inheritrix. Others there were, who prefer'd before her, MARGARET, her Aunt by the Mothers side, and Wife to Mathew Stuart Earle of Lenox, and her Children, of whom they conceiued good hopes, because they were borne in England. All this lay not hid from the Queene of Scots; who, to preuent it so farre as was possible, by the Countesse of Lenox, her Aunt, sent for Mathew, Earle of Lenox, to come into Scotland, [Note: The Queene of Scots cal[...] home the Earle of Lenox into Scotland. ] vnder pretext to re-establish and settle him in the Inheritance of his Predecessors. But this was to consult further with him, who, by his Wiues meanes, obtained leaue, and Letters from Q. ELIZABETH, after he had bin banisht out of his natiue Countrey, for the space of 20. yeeres. This Earle of Lenox (to the end that relating the same from the essentiall extraction of his eminent Nobility, [Note: The discent of the Earle of Lenox. ] I may giue the better light &tc lustre to things) was descended from the very same race of the Stuarts, as the Royall Progeny of the Scots came from; and moreouer lately by the Hamiltons, of the bloud-Royall: For Marie, daughter to [page 112] Iames 2. King of Scotland, had by Iames Hamilton, Iames, who was the first Earle of Arraine, &tc Mary, who was wife to Matt. Stuart, first Earle of Lenox of that name. Iames, Earle of Arraine, being diuorced from his first Wife, tooke in her place the Lady Ienet Beton, Aunt by the Mothers side, to the Cardinall Beton, by whom hee had Issue, Iames Hamilton Duke of Chastel-Heraut. Marie, Sister to the Earle of Arraine, bore to Mathew, Iohn, Earle of Lenox, who being slaine by the Hamiltons, when hee attempted to set King IAMES the fourth at liberty, left this Mathew, Earle of Lenox, whom King Iames the Fifth loued most dearly in respect of his Father. When the King was dead, and the Hamiltons in full authority, Mathew went secretly into France; from whence, being sent backe, by the French King Henry the second, into Scotland, to preuent all detriment to the Scottish Common-wealth, through the practices of the Regent Hamilton, hee valiantly carried himselfe in this employment. But being of an honest milde nature, and very open-hearted, permitting himselfe to bee outreached by Hamilton, and the Cardinall Beton, in a small time hee lost the amity of the French, and when hee could neither tarry in Scotland, nor returne into France, he went into England, and committed himselfe in trust to King Henry the Eighth, who very graciously entertained him, as one that was powerfull &tc well beloued in the Westerne parts of Scotland: Whervpon, he acknowledged him for next Heire to the Crowne of Scotland, after Queene MARY, who was then exceeding yong, (though neuerthelesse the Hamiltons condemned him, and confiscated all his Lands) gaue him to Wife the Lady Margaret Douglasse, his Neece by the elder Sisters side, with demeanes in England, which amounted in an annuall reuennew, to the summe of 1700. Marks, after hee had made promise to surrender into his hands, the Castle of Dunbritton, and the Ile of Buthe, [page 113] with the Castle of Rothsay, which is in England. The which hee vndertooke with courage, but fayled in the successe. The Queene of Scots, beeing a wise and prudent Lady, [Note: Causes of the Repeale of the Earle of Lenox. ] all whose drifts aymed at England, shee gaue him her safe conduct, and restored vnto him his Fathers goods, both that hee might oppose the designes of Iames, his bastard brother, whom shee had honoured with the Earledome of Murray, as also to cut off the hopes of others, by the meanes of Darley her Sonne, which they might any wayes foster and nourish, of succession to the Diadem of England. For shee feared, that being of the Blood Royall, borne in England, and very well beloued of the Englishe if hee were ioyned with any puissant Family in England, relying on the English power and forces, hee might happely one day disturbe her right of succession to the Kingdome of England; many men reputing him for the second Heire apparant after her: and shee affected nothing more feruently, then by his meanes, to bring the Kingdomes of England and Scotland, to fall into some Scottish Race, and Name, and so by him to propagate them to posteritie, in the name of the Stewards, his Ancestors. Queene ELIZABETH well discerned all this, [Note: The Queene of England endeuours to preuent the Qu. of Scots proiect. ] and to preuent it, gaue the Queene of Scots to vnderstand by Randolph, that this Marriage was so distastfull to all the English, as against the consent of her Councell, she was enforst to prorogue the conuentions of Parliament, to some other fitter time, for feare, lest the States of the Kingdome therewith prouoked, should enact somewhat, to the preiudice of her right to the succession. And therefore, to cut off all occasions of this Issue hereafter, and to satisfie the English, she aduised her to thinke of some other marriage; and so by this meanes, shee once againe, and with great affection, commended vnto her the Earle of Leicester, [page 114] for an Husband, who, for this speciall reason, she had exalted to the Dignity of an Earle. [Note: Another commendation of the Earle of Leicester. A Treaty of Marriage betweene the Queene of Scots and the Earle of Leicester. ] For prosecution of this, the Earles of Bedford, of Randolph, and of Lidington, were deputed to treat of this marriage at Barwicke, in the Moneth of Nouember. The English promised vnto her, a firme and constant Amity, a perpetuall Peace, and that vndoubtedly shee should succeed to the Crowne of England, if she married with the Earle of Leicester. The Scots on the other side contested; alleadging, That their Queenes Dignitie, who had beene sued vnto, by Charles, Sonne to the Emperour Ferdinand, the King of France, the Prince of Conde, and the Duke of Ferrara, could not permit her, so farre to embase and vnder-valew her selfe, as to match with a new-made Earle, a Subiect of England, and who propounded nothing but bare hopes, without any certaine Dowrie: neither stood it with the honour of the Queene of England, to commend such a man for an Husband to so great a Princesse, her neere Kinswoman; but rather, shee should giue an infallible testimonie of her great loue and affection towards her, to giue her absolute libertie to make choice of such an husband, as might entertaine perpetuall peace with England, to assigne her a yeerely Pension, and with the authority of the Parliament, confirme the right which shee had to succeede. In all this busines, the extreme desire of Queene ELIZABETH was (although she made discreete haste) to assure, by such a marriage, the succession of the Kingdome in an English Race. The Queene of Scotland seeing that this businesse had beene prolonged full two yeeres, and making account to marry Darley, doubted whether she was proceeded withall in good earnest, or no; and that Queene ELIZABETH did not propound this marriage, but to make a pre-election of the most worthy for herselfe, or to marry the more excusable with Leicester, She beeing [page 115] absolute Queene, after she should haue really consented to marry him. But the Commissioners of Scotland, weighing these reasons, to maintaine their power with the Queene, had resolued to hinder, by all meanes, all kinde of marriages. Queene ELIZABETH admonisheth them to hinder that with Darley; Leicester himselfe full of hope to enioy Queene ELIZABETH, by secret Letters, priuily warnes the Earle of Bedford, not to presse the thing, and with this hope, it is credibly thought, that hee secretly fauoured Darley.
THE EIGHTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Anno Domini, 1565.
[Note: Darley goes into Scotland. ] DARLEY in the meane time, by the intercession of his Mother, with Prayers and diligence to Queene ELIZABETH, obtained (though with much difficultie) leaue to goe into Scotland, and to stay there three Moneths, vnder pretext, to be partaker of his Fathers establishment; and came to Edenborrough in the Moneth of February, in the great winter, when the Thames was so frozen, that people passed dry ouer on foot. [Note: He is beloued of the Queene of Scotland. ] Hee was a Youth of a most worthy Carriage, fit to beare rule, of an excellent composition of members, of a milde spirit, and of a most sweet behauiour. As soone as the Queene of Scotland had seene him, she fell in loue with [page 117] him; and to the end to keepe her loue secret, in discoursing with Randolph the English Ambassadour in Scotland, she often-times intermixt her discourse with the marriage of Leicester, and at the same time, seekes a dispensation from Rome for Darley, shee being so neere in bloud, that according to the Popes Ordinance, they stood in neede of one. This being come to euery bodies knowledge, [Note: Asketh Qu. Elizabeths consent. ] shee sends Lidington to Queene ELIZABETH, to haue her consent to contract with Darley, and not to be any longer detained with a vaine hope of marriage. Queene ELIZABETH propounds the matter to her most intimate Councellors; who, [Note: Deliberation vpon it. ] by the secret suggestions of the Earle of Murray, easily beleeued that the Queene of Scotland had no other designe, but to strengthen her selfe by such a marriage, to carry the right which shee pretended for the Kingdome of England, and at length, to establish it, and likewise the Romish Religion: that some did adhere vnto her, seeing that, by reason of her children, the succession was ascertained to her House; and others, for the affection which they bare to the Romish Religion, there being found more Eirenarch's in England deuoted to the Romish Religion, than to the Protestants. That to preuent these accidents, it was chiefly requisite, first, to pray the Queene to marry speedily, to the end that the affaires and hopes of England should not depend else-where, but of the certainty of Succession, which should come of her, and of her Linage: (for they feared that if the Queene of Scotland did marry, and should haue issue first, many would incline towards her for the certainty and assurednesse of succession.) Secondly, to ruine (as much as may be) the Romish Religion in England, and to aduance and carefully establish the reformed: the one, by vsing more moderately in things indifferent, such Protestants that are carried with a feruent zeale: the other, in setting Guards againe vpon the deposed papisticall Bishops, who were then [page 118] dispersed through the Countrey by reason of the plague, conferring vpon the other Bishops greater authority to execute the Ecclesiasticall Ordinances then they had, contrary to the terrifying Praemunire which the Lawyers doe obiect, suppressing those Bookes which Harding, and the fugitiue Diuines had sent out of the Low-Countries into England, driuing out some Scottish Priests, who hid themselues in England, depriuing the English fugitiues of the Ecclesiasticall Benefices which they enioyed vntill then, and compelling the Iudges of the Land, who were for the most part Papists, to acknowledge the Queenes Soueraigne authority, and to sweare vnto it: And that to hinder the marriage of Darley, it was fit to leuy Souldiers vpon the Frontiers of Scotland, to the end to raise a terrour: to fortifie the Garrison of Berwicke: to set a guard vpon the Countesse of Lenox, Darley's Mother, and on Charles her Sonne: and to re-call out of Scotland into England, the Earle of Lenox and Darley his Sonne, vpon paine of losse of their goods, before they made any alliance with the French, or with Spaine: and to assist those which were bent against this match, and to receiue the Earle of Hertford and Katherine Gray somewhat into fauour: which thing onely was thought that the Queene of Scotland very much apprehended; in regard that shee likewise pretended a right to the Kingdome, and it seemed none other could bring a greater impediment to this marriage than she. [Note: Throgmorton is sent to hinder. ] From hence, Throgmorton is sent to the Queene of Scotland, to aduise her, that it behooued to deliberate long of a thing that can be but once determined on, and that a precipitate marriage was followed with repentance: to re-commend Leicester to her againe, and againe, and that it was altogether contrary to Canon Law, to contract with the Sonne of her Aunt by the Father-side: For Queene ELIZABETH desired aboue all, that some of the English Race should by her meanes succeed to both the Kingdomes, [page 119] albeit there fayled not, who for matter of Religion, and for the two Kingdomes, made account to succeed, if shee dyed without issue. She answers, That it was now past reuoking, [Note: He is answered. ] and that Queene ELIZABETH had no cause to be angry, seeing that by her Councell she had made choyce of a Husband which was no stranger, but an English man borne of the Royall bloud of both the Kingdomes, and the most noble of all Great Brittaine. Amongst these things, Lidington treateth of affaires in England, and dissembling with Leicester, often spoke vnto him touching marriage with the Queene of Scotland, as also to the Duke of Norfolke, (much more worthy to marry a Queene) who then refused it with a modest excuse. The Qu. of England, [Note: Lenox and Darley are re-called out of Scotland. ] to interpose some hindrance to this so hastened marriage, calls backe Lenox, and his Son Darley, as being her Subiects, according to the forme of the leaue which she had granted them. [Note: They excuse themselues. ] The Father excuses himselfe modestly by Letters; the Sonne prayes her not to hinder his aduancement, representing vnto her, that hee might be vsefull to England his dearest Countrey, and openly declared vnto her, that aboue all things hee loued and honoured the Queene of Scotland: To answere which loue, she had adorned him forthwith, with the dignity Equitis Aurati, with the titles of Baron of Ardmanock, Earle of Rosse, and Duke of Rothesie; [Note: The Queene of Scotland marries the Lord Darley. ] and fiue moneths after his comming into Scotland, marries him with the consent of many Peeres, and declares him King. The Earle of Murray, who imbraced nothing so affectionately as ambition, and vnder pretence of Religion, had drawne to his faction the Duke of Chastelraut, a man without leauen, [Note: The Earle of Murray and others murmure. ] Murray murmuring exceedingly, and others storming and stirring vp such like questions: Whether a Papist might be admitted King or no? If [page 120] the Queene of Scotland might chuse her selfe a Husband? If the States might not impose their authoritie? [Note: The Queene of England indures it with moderation. ] The Queene of England bare this peaceably, knowing the sweete and tractable nature of Darley, and the open heart of his Father, and taking pitty to see a kinsman and a Queene very young, to haue to doe with turbulent men, who hauing beene already more than twenty yeeres loosed from Royall command, could not indure Kings; and feared them not, seeing that the power of this Queene, who enuied her, was not increased by so meane a condition; hauing Darleyes Mother in her power: and fore-seeing that troubles in Scotland would spring out of this marriage, as it happened quickly after: for some great ones of the Kingdome, [Note: Some Scots take distaste about the marriage. ] and the chiefe of them, Hamilton and Murray, disdaining this match; the one, because it had beene contracted without the consent of the Queene of England; the other, for the enuy which he bare to the House of Lenox: but both the one and the other, pretending the conseruation of Religion, to disturbe the marriage, brought their Ensignes into the field: insomuch as she was constrained to raise forces to celebrate it in safety; and, with the helpe of the King her Husband, pursued the Rebels so swiftly, [Note: They are put to flight. ] that she constrained them to flie into England, before the English troupes, which were promised them for ayde, were arriued: and the Queene of England, conniuing with Murray, who was much addicted to the Engglish, assigned him a conuenient place to lye heere in safetie, and sent him money vnder-hand by the Earle of Bedford, vntill his returne into Scotland, which was the morrow after the murder of Dauid Riz, as wee shall speake of it in its owne place. [Note: They are maintained in England. ] Now the reasons why shee receiued the Scottish Rebels into England, were these: Because the the Queene of Scotland had receiued into her protection, [page 121] Yaxley, Standon, and Walsh, English Fugitiues, and the Irish Oneale, and that she had held Councels with the Pope against the English, and had not done iustice vpon Theeues and Pirates. This marriage being accomplished, [Note: They counsell the Qu. of England to marry. ] those which laboured most for Religion and Englands safetie, thought that Queene ELIZABETH could not doe better for that purpose, than to take away all hope of the Succession to England from the Queene of Scotland. And it fell very commodiously; for, at the same time, Maximilian the Second, Emperour, [Note: The Emperour recommendeth his Brother. ] sent word by Adam Smicorit his Ambassadour, of very honourable conditions for her to marry with his Brother Charles. But there arose instantly a most vehement hatred in the Court, betweene Sussex and Leicester, I know not whereupon, vnlesse about this marriage, [Note: It causeth hatred to grow in the Court. ] which Sussex sought very eagerly to bring to passe, and Leicester vnder-hand hindered, hoping to haue her for himselfe (verily great and vnsatiable hopes doe those conceiue, who haue obtained things beyond their hope.) Indeede Sussex iniuriously despised him as an vpstart, and, to detract him, would say, that hee could cite onely two of his pedigree, that is to wit, his Father and Grand-father, both being enemies to their Countrey, and attempters against the State, that put the Court in diuision: Insomuch, as when the Earles went abroade, they drew great troupes after them, armed with Swords and piked Targets, which were then in vse, as if it were come to the extremitie. But, within few dayes, [Note: The Queene reconcileth them. ] the Queene reconciled them, and rather smothered than tooke away their malice, but endeuoured what shee could to extinguish it quite. For, shee condemned dissention among Peeres, and that old prouerbe vsed by many, Diuide &tc Impera, and some, who were of opinion, that the force of command, is by the obeyers consent. And she delighted her selfe, at the emulation and grudging of inferiour women, yet not [page 122] without making speciall good vse thereof. Among these things, shee is not vnmindfull of the affaires of Scotland. A moneth after the solemnization of the marriage there, she sent one Tamworth, a Gentleman of her Priuy-Chamber, to the Qu. of Scotland, to exhort her not to breake the peace, to expostulate about the marriage which shee had so rashly contracted without her consent, and withall, to send backe Lenox, and Darley his Sonne, according to the trans-action, and to receiue Murray into grace. [Note: Tamworth not admitted. ] She, perceiuing whereunto this tended, admitted not Tamworth, but by Articles in writing, [Note: They answere by writing. ] Promiseth, by the word of a Princesse, that neither shee nor her Husband would enterprise any thing to the preiudice of the Queene of England, or to her Children lawfully begotten of her bodie, or to the tranquillity of the Kingdome, by admitting of Fugitiues, or making alliance with strangers, or by any other means; but, to the contrary, they would most freely contract such an alliance with the Queene and Kingdome of England, as should be commodious and honourable for both the Kingdomes, and innouate nothing in Religion, contrary to the Lawes and liberties of England, if they should happen to enioy the same. Notwithstanding, vpon condition that Queene ELIZABETH, on her part, should fully performe the same to her and her Husband, and, by authoritie of the Parliament, should confirme the Crowne of England vpon her and her issue lawfully begotten; and, for fault of such issue, vpon Margaret Countesse of Lenox, her Husbands Mother, and of her Children lawfully begotten. Moreouer, as soone as shee had resolued to marry, shee had assured the Queene that it should be with Darley, and had no answere from the Queene vpon it. That shee had satisfied her demands, seeing shee had married [page 123] an English man, and no stranger, whom shee knew to be more nobly descended, and more worthy of her, than any in Great-Brittaine. But it seemed strange that shee might not retaine Darley by her, to whom she was bound in the sacred bond of marriage, or Lenox, who was naturally Earle of Scotland. As for Murray, whom shee had proued to be her sworne enemy, shee graciously intreated her to giue her freedome ouer her Subiects, seeing she meddled not with the affaires of England. Tamworth returned with this answere, not hauing been intertained according to his worth. And indeed being an impudent man, hee had wronged the reputation of the Queene of Scotland, and disdained to giue her Husband title of King. At the same time, Queene ELIZABETH had this augmentation of honour, that at the report of her vertue, which was equally spred in all places, Cecillia, [Note: Cecillia, Queene of Sueden, comes into England. ] Henry the Second King of Suedens Sister, and Wife to Christopher, Marquis of Baden, being then great with Childe, came from the furthest part of the North, and a great iourney, through Germanie, to visit her. She intertained her and her Husband very magnificently, gaue him a yeerely pension, christened his Sonne, and named him Edward the Fortunate. And Donald Mac Cartymore, one of the greatest Peeres of Ireland, humbly submitted himselfe and his large Territories to the Queene, to hold them from her hereafter in fee for him and his heires males lawfully begotten, and for default of such issue, to the Crowne of England. This Princesse, who was borne to draw the affections of men, according to her humanity, most graciously receiued him, installed him solemnely, and like himselfe, Earle of Glencar; and Tegue his Sonne, [Note: Creation of the Earle of Glencar. ] Baron of Valance; gaue them gifts, payed the charge of their voyage, [page 124] and all this, to get a party against the Earle of Desmond, who was suspected to renouate new things. [Note: Vice-Royes and Iustices of Ireland. ] The same yeere, Nicholas Arnold, of the Country of Glocester, Knight, was sent to gouerne Ireland with the title of Iusticiary, and had for his Garrison, onely one thousand fiue hundred ninety sixe Souldiers. But, within a while after, being called backe, hee gaue vp his place to Henry Sidney, who in the reigne of Queene MARY was Iudge and Treasurer of Ireland, and presently after, President of Wales. Now, to note this by the way, the chiefe Gouernours of Ireland, which now in Latine are termed Proreges, [Note: Affaires of Ireland. ] since the first entrance of the English, vntill the time of Edward the Third, were called Iustices of Ireland, and their Lieutenants, Deputies. Since, according to the pleasure of the Prince, they are called one while Iustices, and another while Lieutenants, which is a most honourable title, but for the most part of like authority. And without doubt, these chiefe Iustices of Ireland, as the Iustices of England, which were called at that time, simply, Iustices, were ordained to keepe the peace, and to doe Iustice to all and to euery particular, as, in times past, the Romanes had their Pro-Pretors and Pro-Consuls, which were sent into Prouinces with Soueraigne authority. Sidney, being Gouernour of this Prouince, found the Countrey of Mounster, which lyes toward the South, in great confusion, [Note: Discord betweene the Earles of Desmond and Ormond. ] in regard of great and sharpe troubles which were betweene Girauld, Earle of Desmond (who had faithfully promised to performe all the dueties of a loyall Subiect) and others, who were broken out into ciuill warres. To extinguish these Controuersies, Queene ELIZABETH calls Desmond into England, and makes him Gouernour and Iustice of that Prouince, [Note: Chiefe President of Mounster. ] with an Assessor, two Lawyers and a Clerke, and nominated Warham S. Leger chiefe President, a man that had beene long conuersant in Irish affaires. [page 125] About the middle of October, the same yeere, dyed Thomas Chaloner, lately returned Ambassadour from Spaine, a famous man, borne in London, brought vp at Cambridge, [Note: The death of Sir Thomas Chaloner. ] who had addicted himselfe as well to Mars as to the Muses, and being but young, got honour vnder Charles the fifth, in the expedition of Alger, who hauing suffered ship-wrack, and had swomme so long, that his strength and armes fayled him, saued himselfe, by taking hold of a Cable with his teeth, whereof he lost some: Vnder EDVVARD the Sixth, at Mussleborrough, where hee behaued himselfe so valiantly, that the Duke of Sommerset honoured him with the Dignitie of Knight-hood: And vnder Queene ELIZABETH, in an extraordinary Ambassie to the Emperour Ferdinand; and foure yeeres ordinary Ambassadour in Spaine, where he composed fiue Bookes in pure and learned Verse, of the restauration of the English Commonwealth, which he called [Hieme in fumo, aestate in horreo.] Hee was honourably buried at Saint Pauls in London, Cecill being chiefe mourner, when Thomas, his Sonne (who liued neere HENRY, Prince of Wales) was very yong.
THE NINTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Anno Domini, 1566.
IN the beginning of the yeere, Charles the 9. King of France, sent into England to the Queene, Rambouillet, with the Robes of the order of S. Michael, to bee giuen to two of the Peeres of England, whom shee pleased. [Note: The Duke of Norfolke, and the Earle of Leicester, Knights of the Order of France. ] She made choice of the Duke of Norfolke, as being much more noble then any other, and to the Earle of Leicester, louing him very well. Rambouillet hauing beene, for and in the Name of his King, placed honourably at Windsor, amongst the Knights of the Order of Saint George, inuested them solemnly [page 127] in the Royall House at Westminster. This shee tooke for a great honour, remembring her selfe, that no English was euer honoured with this Order, saue HENRY the Eighth, EDVVARD the Sixth, and Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolke. But when she exactly obserued all things that belonged to the honour of it, she was at length much displeased, to see it so vilified, that it was prostituted indifferently to euery man. And shee busied her selfe, not onely in things concerning honour, but chiefely what was for the good of her Subiects: For, the Ayre beeing so intemperate that yeere, that experienced men feared a want of Corne and other victuals, [Note: Prouision of Corne. ] she did not onely prohibit any Corne to be carried out of the Kingdome, but tooke care that great quantity was brought in. While these things past, Henry, Earle of Arundell, being great and powerfull among the Lords of the Realme, [Note: The Earle of Arundel goes out of the Kingdome. ] after hauing consumed much wealth vpon a vaine hope to marry the Queene, and the Earle of Leicester, who then was in great credit with her, and his friends, which had failed in the trust which hee reposed in them, taking away this hope quite from him, tooke leaue of her, and voluntarily went out of the Kingdome, vnder colour to recouer his health, but in effect, to strengthen himselfe against sorrow. But the other English, [Note: The English carry their Armes and their courages to the Hungarian Warre. ] who for their naturall valour, thought themselues borne to liue in Armes, and not in idlenes, seeing the Nobility of all parts, did rise at the report of the warre against the Turke, and carried their Armes and Courages into Hungarie. Amongst whom, the most remarkeable were, Iohn Smith, cousin german to EDVVARD the Sixth, by the Sister of I. Seimor, the Kings Mother; H. Champernon, P. Butshid, R. Greuill, G. George, T. Cotton, &tcc. In Iune following, the Queene of Scotland had a most auspicious and happy Deliuery, [Note: The birth of King Iames the sixth of Scotland. ] for the eternall prosperity of Great Brittaine, IAMES her Sonne, who is now Monarch [page 128] thereof: whereof she gaue present notice to Queene ELIZABETH, by Iohn Meluin. Queene ELIZABETH, howsoeuer angry to see her out-strip her in honour, who enuied her, as speedily sent H. Killigrewe, to congratulate her lying in, [Note: The Queene of England reioyceth. ] and the birth of her Sonne: and to admonish her, not to fauour any longer Shan O-Neale, who rebelled in Ireland, nor to assist Roquerbay, an English Fugitiue, and to punish some theeues that rob'd vpon the Borders. After, hauing vn-wearied her minde by a Progresse, to shew herselfe as fauourable to the Muses of Oxford, as well as of Cambridge, [Note: Visits the Vniuersity of Oxford. ] betweene which there was then a sincere emulation, goes toward the Vniuersitie of Oxford, where she was magnificently entertained, and staid there full seuen dayes, taking pleasure in the pleasant aspect of the place, at the beauty of the Colledges, in the spirits and learning of most exquisit Schollers, which passed the nights in Comedies, and the dayes in learned Disputations; for which she gaue them ample thankes, by a most sweet discourse in Latine, and a most louing farewell. [Note: Holds a Parliament. ] As soone as shee was returned to London, the States of the Kingdome assembled there the first day of Nouember, beeing the day assigned, and after hauing established a Statute or two, they begun to dispute among themselues, of the Succession of the Kingdome; seeing that the Queene hauing vowed Virginity, had already reigned eight yeeres, without thinking seriously of an Husband: that on the one side, the Papists made account of the Queene of Scots, who had lately had a Sonne: that on the other side, the Protestants being deuided, some of them made account of one, and some of another, and euery particular prouiding for their safety and Religion, presaged the stormes of a most fearefull time, if shee should dye, without assuring a Successor. And the keener sort of spirits proceeded so far, as to blame her, as if she abandoned both her Country and Posteritie: and to teare, by reprochfull &tc defaming Libels, [page 129] wicked Councellor therein: and to curse Huic, her Phisicion, because he disswaded her to marry, for I know not what womanish infirmity. The Earles of Pembroke and Leicester were openly, and the Duke of Norfolke, couertly, of opinion, that a necessity of marriage should be imposed vpon her, or else publikely to appoint a Successor by authority of the Parliament, whether she would or no: which caused them to bee forbidden to enter into the Priuie Chamber, or come neere the Queene, who neuerthelesse granted them pardon, as soone as they demanded it. They neuerthelesse being much troubled, [Note: The States sollicite her to marry, and to declare her Successor. ] and all the rest of the vpper House of Parliament, touching the Succession; all with one mind, by the mouth of Bacon, Keeper of the great Scale, according to the dutie which they ought vnto God, the fidelity to their Prince, and the charity to their Countrie, so to doe; that as by her meanes they then sweetly enioyed all the benefits of Peace, Iustice, and Clemency, they and their posterity might by her meanes likewise enioy the same assuredly and continually. But withall they shewed her, that it could not bee done, except she married, or designed a certaine Successor. For which cause, they desired, and, aboue all things, besought her to be ioyned by the sacred bond of Marriage, with whom she would, in what place she liked, &tc as soone as she pleased, to the end to haue Children, for helps to the Kingdome: withall, to ordaine with the States of the Realme, a Successor certaine, in case that shee, or the Children which she might haue, should dye without Children, which God forbid. [Note: The modestie of the great Ones. ] And for the obtaining of these things so much the more easily, being so necessary, they represented vnto her many reasons for the same: the feare, which of fresh memory had seized vpon them with such a sicknesse, of which they had beene but newly recouered; the opportunity of the time, the States of the Kingdome beeing then assembled, which might maturely deliberate of so great matters; the terrour [page 130] which she should giue to her enemies by this meanes, and the incredible ioy which she should fill the hearts of her Subiects withall. They praise the examples of her Ancestors, who in like cases prouided for the suretie of their Posterity, condemning this saying of Pyrrhus, who would leaue his Kingdome to him that had the sharpest sword. And moreouer shewing her, with what a storme England were threatned, if she should dye without designing a certaine Successor: there would follow impetuously vpon it, seditions, and intestine Warres, of which the Victory it selfe is most miserable: and that Religion should bee driuen out, Iustice ouerwhelmed, the Lawes trodden vnderfoot, there beeing no Prince (who is the soule of the Law) and the Kingdome a prey to strangers. They numbered and exaggerated many other like calamities, which would inuolue all sorts of Families, if she should dye without Issue. And modestly they added counsels, Precepts, and examples, drawne from the holy Scriptures. [Note: The popular sort eagerly. ] But those of the Lower House debated of these things more tumultuously; Bell, and Monson, Lawiers of great renowne, Dutton, P. Wentworth, and others, refuted Royall Maiestie too much; and among other things maintained, that Kings were bound to designe a Successor; that the loue of Subiects was the most strong and inexpugnable Rampart of Princes, their onely stay and Support. That Princes could not obtaine this loue, if they did not prouide for the good of their Subiects, not onely while they liued, but after their death. That that could not be done, if a Successor did not plainely appeare. That the Queene, for lacke of designing one, prouoked Gods wrath, and alienated the hearts of her Subiects. That then, to gaine the fauour of God, and haue Subiects most affectionate and obliged, and to raise her vp Statues in the hearts of men, which would neuer perish, shee should declare a Successor. Others, that shee should knowe, that they did [page 131] hold her, not for a Mother and a Nurse, but for a Stepdame and a murderesse of her Countrie, seeing shee loued her selfe better than England (which then breathed by her spirit) would expire with her, rather then subsist aliue. That there were neuer, but cowardly Princes, haters of their Subiects, and fearefull weake women, who conceiued feare because of their Successors; and that such as be enuironed with the loue of their Subiects, ought not to apprehend the danger which might bee stirred vp against them, by a declared Successor. These things she heard with a great deale of displeasure, [Note: The Queene is angry. ] but shee contemned them for a time, and for a time kept them hidden. For, as vse had instructed her, she well knew what danger there is to designe a Successor; insomuch that Queene MARIE reigning, many of the Nobility, and of the people, had cast their eyes and hearts vpon her, as beeing to succeed her: that euen as any thing had bin said or done in her most holy Cabinet, or secret Councell, they reported it to her; and that Wyat and others, misliking their state, and desiring to innouate things, had conspired against her, to set her vpon the Royall Throne in her place. Shee knew that the hopes of Competitors were better restrained, and they kept in their duety, while she suspended the wayting of euery one, and made no declaration of any. That by a precipitate desire to reigne, euen Children haue tooke Armes against their Fathers, and that shee could not looke for lesse from her kindred. She had obserued in reading, and when she disputed of that, remembred incontinently, that it was rarely found, that the Successors had bin declared in the collaterall line. That Lewis, Duke of Orleans, had neuer been declared Successor in the Kingdome of France, to Charles the Eighth; nor Francis, Duke of Angoulesme, to Lewis, yet neuerthelesse they succeeded without any noise. That such designation had alwaies in England beene the ruine of the designed, and that Roger [page 132] Mortimer, Earle of March, designed Heire by King Richard, had not beene so soone extinct, and his sonne Edmond constituted and kept prisoner twentie yeeres together, but for this cause: That I. Polhem, Earle of Lincolne, declared Successor by Richard the 3. &tc after the death of his sonne, by Henry the Seuenty, was alwaies suspected, and finally killed in warre, as he was weauing of innouations, and his brother Edward beheaded vnder HENRIE the Eighth. But these things make vs goe from the purpose. But as some ceased not with prouoked spirits, and sharpe contention, daily more and more to cry aloud, these things which I come to tell, and other things which had a greater sting, the Queene hauing commanded that choyce should be made of thirty of the Vpper-House of Parliament, and as many of the Lower, and that they should appeare before her; [Note: She sweetens the moued spirits. ] Shee, with a light reproose, made them milder, and by force of her most worthy Maiesty, diuerted them from their designe, promising them with many words, not onely the care of a Princesse, but also the affection of a Mother. And the States hauing offered her for Subsidies, more than they were accustomed to doe, vpon condition, that she would designe a Successour: Shee vtterly refused it, as being too much, receiued the ordinary, commending their affection, [Note: Giues backe part of the Subsidie. ] &tc remitted the whole fourth payment of the granted Subsidie, saying, That her Subiects money was as well in their owne coffers, as in hers. The last day of these Sessions, she spoke thus in few words, which I will shut vp in fewer.
[Note: Chides the States. ] SEeing that the words of Princes doe often penetrate deepe into the hearts and eares of men, heare these from mee. As I haue simply cherished truth, so haue I alwayes thought that you would ingeniously haue cherished [page 133] her: but it hath beene in vaine. For I haue discouered, that dissimulation thrusts her selfe into these assemblies, vnder the maske of libertie, and of succession. There are some of them among you, who are of opinion, that I ought presently to grant, or vtterly to refuse libertie to dispute of the Succession, and to establish it. If I should haue granted it, those would triumph ouer mee, hauing their wishes: If I refused, they had thought to haue excited the hatred of mine own, which my greatest enemies hitherto could neuer doe. But their wisdome was out of season, their designes too farre aduanced, and they haue not regarded the euent. And I haue easily discouered by these things, who haue beene iust on my behalfe, and who haue not, and doe see well, that all your Assembly is composed of foure sorts of persons. For some haue beene Architects and Authors, others Actors, who with sweet words haue perswaded: who being perswaded, haue accorded to that which was propounded: others, who haue maruelled at this audacitie, kept silence; and those in truth are the more excusable. Thinke you that I contemne your good and safetie, that you ground vpon a Successor? or that I will infringe your libertie? So farre am I from that, that I haue not so much as thought of it. For I haue considered, that it behooued you to retyre from the pit into which you runne head-long. Euery thing hath his season. Peraduenture you shall haue after me a wiser Prince, but not that loues you more than I doe. I know not if I shall liue to see such Assemblies once more: but take heede of offending the patience of your Prince: and notwithstanding, take it for a certaine truth, that I haue a good opinion of the most part of you, and that I loue you all with all my heart, as heretofore. [page 134] Thus, the wisdome of a Woman quieted these stirres, the time which became clearer, caused such a calme, that, beside the seditious and timorous, few were since found, to storme for a Successour. And certainely all men, what face soeuer they set vpon it, doe not penetrate more deepely into publique affaires, than they finde it necessary for their owne particular. Yet that the Successour should more plainely appeare, [Note: Maketh it plainely to appeare, that the Queene of Scotland had the right of Succession. ] which shee thought could not be doubted of, she imprisoned Thornton, Reader of the Law at Lincolnes Inne in London, because the Queene of Scotland had complained, that he called her right in question. In these Assemblies of the States, besides other things, which were for the good of the Common-wealth, it was declared with the generall consent of all, [Note: The ordination of Bishops is confirmed. ] THat the election, consecration, and instalment of Arch-bishops and Bishops of England, (which many, by calumniating them, had called in question) was lawfull, and well and duely consecrated, according to the Acts and Statutes of the Realme: And ordained, that all these, and those which for the time to come, should be consecrated as they had beene, were and should be holden well and duely consecrated, notwithstanding any Law or Canon. For the Papists had detracted them as false Bishops, peraduenture because the Vnction, the Ring, and the Crozier were not vsed with the Benedictions: and, as if they had not beene solemnely instituted to this Order, by three Bishops, which could bring their ordination, rising from the Apostolique authority receiued from Christ, although they most truely could, as appeares by the Registers, hauing beene consecrated with godly prayers, deuout inuocation of the holy Ghost, the imposition of hands of such Bishops, the preaching of the Word, and celebration of the Lords Supper. [page 135] About that time (after they had restrained the insolency of some Ruffians, who violated these delators, which the vulgar call Promoters, pursued them through the streetes with cryes and clamours, [Note: Promoters supprest. ] and killed them) came the day appointed for the baptizing of the Prince of Scotland. The Queene hauing beene intreated to receiue him at the sacred Font, sent the Earle of Bedford with the Lauor made of massie Gold, for a Present of State, [Note: The Earle of Bedford sent Ambassrdour to the Queene of Scotland, for the baptizing of her Sonne. ] and commanded him expresly, &tc all the English which accompany him, to take heed that they honour Darley with the Title of KING. The ceremony being ended, the Earle, according as he had beene commanded, treated with the Queene of Scotland, to haue the Treaty of Edenborrough ratified, and to accord the domesticke discords which were betweene her and her Husband. For some ill-willers, both to the one and the other, had by craft ruined this agreeable societie of life and loue which was betweene them. Shee refused to make this ratification, alledging this reason, That there was in that Treaty, some Articles that did derogate the right which shee and her Children had to England: neuerthelesse, promised to send Commissioners into England, which should treat about it, for the altering of some things; to wit, that she should leaue off the Title and armes of England, as long as Queene ELIZABETH, or any of hers should liue, (as if the Treaty had imported, that she should giue it ouer altogether,) and they they should let her see what iniuries shee had receiued by the wicked practices of those which too much abused the ingenious credulitie of her Husband. And, finding her selfe vnhealthfull, shee recommended her Sonne to the trust and Gardianship of Queene ELIZABETH, by Letters bearing, That although shee knew well, (I vse her owne termes) [page 136] shee was by right the vndoubted Heire of England, after the Queene, and that many at their pleasure forged many things against this right; She promised neuerthelesse, she would not presse her any more to a declaration of it, but that shee would assist and adhere to her alwaies, and against all, with all her affection. [Note: The death of I. Mason, and Sir R. Sackuile. ] In the yeere 1566. there dyed two of the Lords of her Maiesties most honourable Priuy Councell, (both in one day) I. Mason, Treasurer of Queene ELIZABETHS houshold, a most learned, iudicious, and graue personage, most diligent and carefull to the preseruation of benefits. In his place and office, was preferred Sir Francis Knolles, who had married the Lady Katherine, Cousin-Germane to her Maiesty, by the Lady Mary of Bulleine, &tc Richard Sackuile also, Cousin to her Maiesty, by the Lady Anne Bulleine her Mother. Sir Walter Mildmay, an vncorrupt and considerate man, succeeded in his place.
THE TENTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. [Note: Booke 1. 1567. ] Anno Domini 1567.
A Little before the Commissioners from the Queene of Scotland were arriued, [Note: The murder of the Lord Darley, who was married to the Qu. of Scots. ] a moneth or two after the christening of the Prince of Scotland, the King, at the age of one and twenty yeers, was strangled in his bed, in the dead time of the night: a dreadfull and horrible wickednesse, which was detested of all honest men: afterwards throwne into his Garden, the House being blowne vp with Gun-powder. The report of it being spread through both the Kingdomes, the crime was cast vpon Morton, Murray, and their Confederates, who insulting [page 138] ouer the weaker Sex, laide it vpon the Queene. Which by bookes, as also a Libell, written by Buchanan, which was imprinted, none can be ignorant of: But being of the party, and carryed away by Murray's bountie, the bookes were condemned to be false by the Councell and State of Scotland, [Note: Buchanan condemned for falshood by the States of Scotland. ] to which more credit is to be giuen: and, as I haue heard, he himself to the King, whose Schoolemaster he was, reprehended himselfe for it, that hee had vsed so poysonous a penne against the Queene, and being ready to dye, he wished but to liue so long, that hee might take away the staine which he had spread vpon the Queene, or to cleanse it with his bloud, vnlesse (as he said himselfe) his slanders might be accounted vaine, by reason of his doting age. Giue me leaue that the other side may be heard, by diuers that writ thereof, and at that time publisht it in print: but such writings were soone call'd in, both in fauor of the Earle of Murray, and in hatred of the Queene, and likewise by Ambassadours Letters worthy to bee beleeued. [Note: A digression from Scottish affaires. ] In the yeere 1558. at the marriage of Francis the Dolphin of France, and Mary Queene of Scotland, Iames, the Queenes Bastard-Brother, commonly called the Prior of Saint Andrewes, (Metropolitan of the Order of Saint Andrewes) despising that title, [Note: Iames, Prior of Saint Andrews. ] was ambitious after a more splendid one: but when the Queene, by the aduice of the Guizes, refused it him, hee returned into Scotland discontented, wherein, vnder a faire pretext of reforming Religion, and to establish the liberty of Scotland, hee begun to trouble the State, and effected it; and so brought it to passe (without the knowledge of the Queene, in a Conuenticle of Confederates) Religion was changed, and, by the calling in of ayde from England, the French were driuen out of Scotland. Francis, King of France, being dead, he presently went to his Sister into France, and hauing put away all suspition tending to her preiudice or dis-reputation for [page 139] the affaires of Scotland, swore vnto her, (calling GOD to witnesse) to performe all dueties that a Sister could expect from a Brother, and vpon the hope which he had, that shee being brought vp from her tender age in the delicacies of France, would not returne into Scotland, [Note: Hee seekes to be Regent of Scotland. ] workes with the Guizes to appoint some Noble-man of Scotland to be Regent there, and almost poynted at himselfe to be the fittest man of all. But, hee being sent backe into Scotland, without any authority, but Letters of Commission, by which the Queene gaue power to the States to assemble, and consult for the good of the Kingdome, and seeing himselfe deiected from his hope, returned much vexed; and passing thorow England, made it there knowne, that if they wished well to Religion in Scotland, to the peace of England, and the security of Queene ELIZABETH, [Note: Being frustrated of it, vnder-hand opposes himselfe against the Queene. ] they ought by all meanes to hinder the Queene of Scotland to passe into Scotland. Shee neuerthelesse being safely arriued in Scotland, the English Ships being disappointed by obscure weather, and being there, embraced her Brother with all signes of fauour and good-will, and in a kinde of manner, committed vnto him the generall administration of affaires. Notwithstanding all this, the branches of his ambition are not cut off, which grew daily, and appeared both in words and deedes. For, hee could not containe himselfe, but often, among his friends, deplored that the warlike Scottish Nation was no lesse subiect to the command of a Woman, than the English was, and by the instruction of Knox, whom he esteemed as a Patriarke, often debates, that Kingdomes were due to merit, and not to linage, and that Women should be excluded from succeeding, and that their gouernement were monstrous. He treated likewise with the Queen, by his friends, [Note: Makes his ambition to be openly and euidently knowne. ] that she should substitute foure of the Royall House of the Stewards, who, if she dyed without issue, should succeed to the Crowne one after another, without regarding who were [page 140] legitimate or no, thinking he should be one, seeing he was the Kings Sonne, though vnlawfully begotten. But the Queene, wisely considering that such a substitution was contrary to the Lawes of the Kingdome, to defraud the right Heires, a most pernicious example, dangerous for her Subiects, and would be an hinderance to her selfe for her second marriage, she mildely answered, That she would more aduisedly deliberate with the States of the Kingdome, about a matter of such weight &tc consequence; and to testifie her fauour and bounty towards her Brother, shee honoured him with the title of Earle of Mar, afterwards, [Note: He is created Earle of Murray. ] with the Earledome of Murray, (for the dignity of Mar was then in controuersie,) being ignorant all this while, that he aymed at the Kingdome, and affirmed himselfe to be the lawfull Sonne of Iames the Fifth. To make the easier way hereunto, by meanes of the extraordinary fauour the Queene shewed to him, [Note: He persecutes the great men of Scotland. ] he supprest the most noble Family of the Gordons, powerfull in vassalage and command, whom he both feared in respect of themselues, as also by reason of the reformed Religion, which adhered vnto him: he expelled Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut, out of the Court, who was reputed next Heire to the Crowne, imprisoned the Earle of Arraine his Sonne, banished Count Bothwell, into England; dismissed all opposites of their honourable offices, and places, and retained the Queene vnder his power and suruey, as a Gardian might doe his Ward: aboue all other things being carefull, that Shee might not negotiate, nor intend any marriage. And when he saw, that of the one side, the Emperour sollicited her, [Note: Hee disswades the Queen from marrying. ] for his Brother, and the Spaniard on the other part for his Sonne, he absolutely disswaded her both from the one and the other, alledging vnto her, how the ancient immunities of Scotland would not permit nor indure a strange Prince, and whensoeuer the Scepter fell into [page 141] the hands of Women, they neuer made choyce of an Husband, but within their owne Countrey of Scotland. But in conclusion, he perceiuing that all the Scots generally affected her marrying, and discerning that by the perswasion and inducement of the Countesse of Lenox, she desired to marry with the Lord Darley, hee himselfe likewise then commended him vnto her for an Husband; hoping, in respect of his youth, and for that he was of a tractable nature and disposition, he would be euer at his direction and dispose. Neuerthelesse, when hee saw how dearely the Queene loued him, &tc himselfe to fall by little and little out of her fauour and grace, hee repented of the counsell and aduice he had giuen, and admonished Queene ELIZABETH to crosse this marriage by all the meanes possible that she could. Presently after the Nuptials were accomplished, and the Lord Darley proclaimed KING, the King then presently reuoked such gifts, as during his minority, the Queene had conferred both vpon him, and others: whereupon, being nigh associated with them, [Note: He takes armes against her, after shee was married. ] he tooke vp armes against the King and the Queene, pretending that this new King was dis-affected to the Protestant Religion, and how she contracted this marriage without the consent of the Queene of England. But, hauing scarcely made any triall of the fortunes of warre, he fled, as I said, into England, where, despayring of all succour, [Note: He flies into England. He seekes to sow discord betweene the Husband and the Wife. ] he laboured by Letters to Morton, a man of great subtilty, and another like himselfe, to effect, that seeing the marriage could not be broken off, yet that the affection and loue of the married couple might be abated, by some secret practices: and a fit occasion offered it selfe: for after some domesticall and priuate grudgings, to quaile the courage of this young King, which boyled a little too hot, and to preserue entyre her owne Royall prerogatiues; in all publique acts, shee began to set her Husbands Name after her owne, and altogether to [page 142] leaue out and omit it, in Moneyes and Stampes. Earle Morton, who was a notable Make-bate, by his flatteries easily perswaded this young King, to set the Crowne of Scotland vpon his owne head: yea, though the Queene wold not giue her consent therunto, &tc to shake off the domination and controll of a Woman, because women were borne to obey, and men to command: he hoping, that by meanes of this counsell, he should make the King, not onely to lose the Queenes affection, but further, the loue of all the great Men of the Kingdome, and the people. To make him lose the Queenes heart, first he instigated him by diuers calumniations, to kill Dauid Rice, a Pie-mountaine, and by doing this, to preuent the crossing of their designes, by his reaching and subtile spirit. By profession he was a Musician, and came the yeere before into Scotland, with the Ambassadour Moret, and then grew to be admitted into the Queenes House, and fauour, in that hee was industrious, and obseruant, and in the Secretaries absence, he assisted, and dispatched Letters into France, and managed secret consultations. Then, the more to exasperate this businesse, he brought him to be present in person, at this Murder, in company with Rauen, and the other murderers, who entring with himselfe into the Queenes Chambers, their swords naked drawne, as she was sitting at the Table, with the Countesse of Arguile, and this man, standing by a Buffet-stoole, was eating somwhat taken off from the Table, as ordinarily Wayters of the Dining-chamber will doe, bending also a Pistoll against the Queenes brest, who was then with Childe, so as vpon the sudden affrightment shee thought to haue miscarried in the place, [Note: The murder of Dauid Rice in the Queene of Scots sight. ] they layde hold of him in her presence, and drawing him into an outward Chamber, most cruelly they murthered him, and shut vp likewise the Queene within the same Chamber. [Note: Murray is repealed. ] This Murder was co~mitted, the day before that the Earle [page 143] of Murray was assigned to make his appearance before the Assembly, and in hearing of the States, there, to answere an Accusation of Rebellion, which was informed and put in against him. Hee appeared the day following, and no body sate, neither came any witnesses against him, by reason of these great garboyles and troubles in the State: that, (as it might seeme) this murder was purposely vndertaken for Murrayes security and safety. Notwithstanding, the Queene, at the Kings intreaty, receiued him into fauour, and was confident in his brotherly loue. But when the King had more deliberately waighed the quality of his offence, and the Queene began to take it deepely to heart, he repented himselfe much of this rage and fury, and with many teares and sighes, humbly on his knee craued her pardon, confessing freely, that he was excited to so bloudy a crime by Murray and Morton: from which time, euer after hee conceiued so mortall an hatred against Murray, that he thought on nothing else, but how to be rid of him: Earle Morton, and the other Homicides, by reason of this Murder, being fled into England, [Note: Earle Morton flies into England. ] with Letters of recommendation, which Murray had written in their behalfe, to the Earle of Bedford. But the passionate affection of his youth not being able to reserue his most secret thoughts, and his high respect to the Queene, curbing all boldnesse, for the executing of him, at last hee was satisfied, to let her vnderstand thus much, that for publique good, and the security of her owne house, shee must remoue him. The Queene in all sort detesting this course, disswaded him there-from, yea euen with threates, for hauing moued this vnto her, and putting him in hope to make a perfect reconciliation betweene them. And yet notwithstanding, in that shee could not but with great spleene digest the authority this Bastard vsurped ouer her, transported with wonderfull impatience, shee opened this designe to others: which, comming to Murrayes vnderstanding, [page 142 [...] 143 [...] 144 (sic)] to preuent her, hee laid many secret ambushes in waite for her, vnder colour of shewing himselfe to be very officious and diligent, vsing herein Earle Mortons counsell and aduice, though he were then absent. [Note: Dissention set betweene the King and the Queene. ] Their Resolution ioyntly was, that the Queene must be cleane alienated from the loue and affection she bare to the King, while this affection was not yet well knit, and reioynted. Then to draw into their society Earle Bothwell, who, not long before had beene reconciled to Murray, vpon promises, that he should be diuorc'd from his owne Wife, and be married to the Queene, when she were a Widow. For effectuall performance whereof, and to warrant and defend him against all others, they bound themselues in writing, subscribed and sealed, perswading themselues, that at one blow, they could cut off the King, depraue the reputation and good opinion which the Nobility and people held of her, suppresse afterwards Bothwell, and so be possest themselues of the whole and absolute Administration of all affaires. [Note: Lord Darley the Queenes Husband, murdered. ] Earle Bothwell, who was of himselfe a wicked man, and blinded with Ambition, which made him bold and daring, readily intertained these hopes propounded to him, and most trecherously performed this bloudy Assassinate, hauing hardly fifteene houres warning, to prouide a sufficient number of Complices if need had beene, (for Earle Murray was gone farre off, to prosecute his owne businesse) and to lay the whole suspition and imputation vpon the Queen. When hee was returned to the Court, both hee, and all those of the Conspiracy, commended Earle Bothwell to the Queene; [Note: Earle Bothwell commended to the Queene, to marry him. ] and, to perswade her to make choyce of him for her Husband, they intimated by all meanes vnto her, how hee was most worthy and deseruing of her loue, both in respect of the eminency of his Family, his valiant Attempts against the English, and the many infallible proofes and trials of his fidelity. Moreouer, they layd open vnto [page 145] her, that being alone, and without any helpe, or assistance, she was not able to pacifie those troubles and tumults that were then raised, to discouer the plots that might be proiected against her, and to discharge the administration and gouernement of the Kingdome. And therefore she should doe very well, to admit to the societie of her bed, &tc counsell, such an one, as had both will, power, and courage, to oppose them: So as, they wrought thus farre with her, that she yeelded her consent, trembling for feare, and danted with horror, for hauing beheld such direful occisions, &tc calling to minde what fidelitie Bothwell had euer shewed both to her and her Mother, and not knowing whither to haue recourse, but to her Brothers faith and loyaltie. But neuerthelesse, with speciall prouiso, carefully to intend the safety of her young and tender Sonne, that Bothwell should first cleare himselfe of the murder of the King, and be diuorc'd from his former Wife. I am desirous here to set downe, what the Earle of Huntley and Arguile, who are the principall of all the great Nobility of Scotland, testified hereof, as I coppied it out of a Writing seal'd, and subscribed with their owne hands, which they sent to the Queene of England: BEcause Earle Murray, and others, [Note: Testimony of the murder of the Lord Darley. ] to couer their owne Rebellion against the Queene, whose authoritie they vsurped, openly imputed her, as culpable and guiltie of her Husbands death: wee publikely protest, and testifie this which ensues. In the Moneth of December, 1556. the Queene being at Cragmill, the Earles of Murray and Lidington acknowledged in our presence, that Morton, Lyndsay, and Rauen, murdered Dauy Rice, to no other end, but to preserue the Earle of Murray, who the same day was to be proscrib'd. Wherefore, that they might shun the note of ingratitude, their desire was, that Morton and others [page 146] banished by reason of this murder, might be repealed. But withall they implyed, that this could not be done, except the Queene by a Diuorce were separated from her Husband, and they promised to doe it, if wee would yeeld our consents. After that, Earle Murray promised to me, of Huntley, that I should re-enter the inheritances of my Ancestors, and haue the perpetuall loue and affection of the banished, if I did but further and procure this Diuorce. Then they went likewise to Earle Bothwell, to draw also from him his consent and liking: and lastly, they went to the Queene, whom Lidington in the name of all the rest, instantly requested, to release Morton, Lindsay, and Rauen, of their banishment: in very outragious termes, he exaggerated the Kings faults, and the offences hee had committed against the Queene, and the Realme, prouing how the Queene, and the State, were deepely interessed, in procuring speedily this Diuorce: because the King and Queene could not liue securely together in Scotland. Her Maiestie made answer: That she had rather for a time returne into France, while her Husband did more truely discend into the errours and vnstaidnesse of his youth, not willing any thing should be done to her Sonnes preiudice, or her owne dishonour. Whereunto Lidington replyed: Wee of your Councell will looke to this well-enough. But in any wise, (said Shee) I prohibite you to performe, any thing that may in the least manner blemish my honour, or burthen my conscience. Let things stand as they doe, till God from aboue vouchsafe some fitter remedie. I much feare, lest, that you iudge requisite for my good, may redound to my hurt. A few dayes after, when the King was murdered, after a most execrable manner, wee are assured, out of the inward touch and testimony of our Consciences, that the E. Murray and Lidington were [page 147] the Authors, Proiectors, and Plotters of this abominable Parricide, whosoeuer the other were, that put it in execution. This is that which they affirmed in writing. The Confederates aymed then at nothing else, [Note: Bothwell is freed of the murder of the King. ] but how to free Bothwell of this Parricide: Wherefore, a Session of Parliament was ordained for this onely cause, and apprehension of their bodies enioyned, of whom the least suspition was conceiued, and the Earle of Lenox accusing Bothwell, and feruently vrging, that he might come to a triall before the States were assembled, it was granted, and so command imposed vpon the Earle, to appeare within twenty dayes. But within the compasse of this time, hauing receiued no instructions nor aduertisements from the Queenes Maiestie of England, and in that hee could not liue without danger of his life, in a place replenished with his enemies, Earle Bothwell made his appearance, and hauing Morton for his Aduocate, preuayled in the cause, and so was sent away absolu'd, by the Sentence of all the Iudges. This businesse being thus contriued; [Note: He marries the Queene. ] the other Complices so wrought, that diuers of the Nobility consented to the marriage, whereof they made a Draft in Writing, subscribed and sealed, for feare, that if it should euer be broken, Bothwell might haue accused them to be the Authors of all that villany. This marriage thus solemnized with Earle Bothwell, who was created Duke of the Orcades, caused euery one to surmize that the Queene was guiltie of this murder, and the Conspirators strengthened the same opinion, by Letters sent into all parts, as likewise they held assemblies at Dundagh, [Note: They conspire both against him, and the Queene. ] where they conspired to depose the Queene, and destroy Earle Bothwell. Although Murray, because he would not appeare to be one of this Combination, obtained leaue of the Queene to goe into [page 148] France, and for the remouing of all distrust, hee re-commended to her Royall care, and Bothwell's fidelitie, all his proceedings and occasions whatsoeuer in Scotland. [Note: Earle Murray retyres into France. ] He was scarcely arriued in France, but they, who absolued Bothwell of that crime, and gaue consent to this marriage, tooke vp armes, as if they would haue seyzed on his person. [Note: Earle Bothwell is expelled. ] But in effect, vnder-hand, they priuily admonished him speedily to with-draw himselfe, for feare lest being taken, he might haue reuealed the whole Complot, and that from his flight, they might draw argument and subiect whereof to accuse the Queene, for the murder of the King, [Note: The Queene emprisoned. ] they seyzed on her person, and entreated her so ignominiously and disgracefully, that although shee had nothing on, but a very homely night-Gowne, yet they so clapt her vp in prison at Lake-Leuin, vnder the custody of Earle Murray's Mother, who was Iames the 5. his Concubine, who further persecuted her with most shamelesse malice, during her restraint, boasting how shee was lawfull Wife to Iames the 5. and her Sonne lawfully descended from him. [Note: Queene Elizabeth complaines. ] So soone as Queene ELIZABETH had certaine notice of all these proceedings, detesting in her heart this vnbrideled insolency of Subiects towards a Princesse, who was her Sister, and Neighbour, terming them perfidious, rebellious, ingratefull, and cruell: Shee sent into Scotland, Nicho. Throgmorton, to complaine hereof vnto the Confederates, and to consult of some meanes how to restore the Queene to her former liberty and authority, for the punishments of the Kings murderers, and that the yong Prince, might bee sent into England, rather than into France for his more secure preseruation, and safety. For that which passed successiuely while Throgmorton lay in Scotland, I will deliuer it faithfully, euen as I collected it out of his owne Letters, which questionlesse are very sincere, and well approued of. [page 149] Many in Scotland were very much incens'd against the Queene, insomuch, as they absolutely refus'd to behold her, as likewise Villeroy, and De Croc, Ambassadours for France. Yet the Conspirators could not agree among themselues, how to dispose of her. The Lord of Lidington, and some others, were of opinion, to haue her re-established in her authority vpon these conditions: That the Murderers of the KING should be punished according to the Lawes; and the young Prince his safety procured. [Note: They consult what is to be done with the Queene prisoner. ] That Bothwell should be separated from her by a firme Diuorce; and Religion established. Others perswaded a perpetuall banishment of her, eyther into France or England, so the Queene of England, or King of France, would be content to be Cautions and Pledges, that shee should transferre all the Regall authority to her Sonne, and some other great and eminent persons of the Kingdome. Againe, some would haue cited her to a peremptory triall, haue had her condemned, committed to perpetuall prison, and her Sonne crowned KING. Finally, there wanted not others, who for her summary chastisement, and punishment, would haue had her depriued both of her Royall Authority and life. And this was vsually preach'd and diuulged by Knox, and some other Ministers, in the open Pulpit. Throgmorton produced against this, [Note: Throgmorton defends the Queenes cause. ] many reasons and Arguments taken out of the holy Scriptures, touching due obedience and submission to superiour power, who retaine the Sword of Authority in their hands: arguing very strongly and constantly, How the Queene was vnder no other Tribunall, but that of the heauenly IVDGE, neither could shee iuridically be constrayned to appeare and answer in the Court of any earthly Iudge. That in Scotland the same authoritie which the Queene had not delegated, nor made ouer to any other, was nothing, and by her reuocable. But the Scottish-men replying, alledged the peculiar rites [page 150] and priuiledges of Scotland, and that in extraordinary occurrents, they might extraordinarily determine, euen as they had collected out of Buchanans reasons, who, by the Earle of Murrayes perswasion, [Note: The Scots maintaine the contrary out of Buchanans reasons. ] then writ that Dialogue of the Right of Reigning or gouerning among the Scots, who was condemned: wherein he maintained, against the Testimony of the Scottish Histories, that the people were priuiledged, to create or depose their Kings. Notwithstanding, Throgmorton ceased not importunately to sollicite them, for the Queenes re-establishment, and that himselfe might visit her, though he no sooner opened his mouth in this poynt, but they all replyed, how this by no meanes could be granted him, because herein they had denyed the French, and that by this meanes they would not distaste the King of France, to please and satisfie the Queene of England, who (as often experience heretofore had taught them) laboured for nothing, but her owne peculiar interests, when shee was a meanes to driue the French away out of Scotland, and lately shewed her selfe but niggardly, and sparing of her fauours towards the Scottish Exiles. Whereupon, he thought it fit to take heed, lest this importunity might vrge them, to embrace the amity of the French, and shake off that of the English; when, according to the French Prouerbe, Qui quicte la partie la perd, He that leaues his partie, loseth it: aduised and counselled the English to be carefull and iealous, how they forsooke and lost the Scots. After this, by a Writing vnseal'd, filled with variety of discourse, which they committed to Throgmortons hands, they vowed and protested, that the Queene was remoued, and restrained to a close place, for no other end, but to disioyne her from Earle Bothwell, whom shee most entyrely loued, till this heat of affection, and her wrath conceyued against them, might somewhat slacken: and therefore they requested him to be satisfied in this Answer, while [page 151] some other Nobles of the Kingdome were assembled: and yet neuerthelesse they restrayned the Queenes liberty, euery day more and more, though with teares shee intreated them to vse her more fauourably, if not as Queene, yet as shee was a Kings Daughter, and Mother to their Prince: and so hee many times requested, that hee might goe and visit her, but all in vaine. Briefly, not to rip vp in particular all the iniuries and disgraces offered her, at last they made triall, whether by milde and faire meanes, they could induce her, freely to giue ouer the gouernement, either by reason of her weakenesse and indisposition, or in respect of the trouble and annoyance it brought her to, to reigne and gouerne: which indeed they deuised for an excuse, or else as others counselled her, with more drift and subtilty, to the end that being more weakly and gracelessely garded, shee might the more safely and easily make her escape. But when all this tooke no place, they threatned to bring her to a publique triall, to accuse her that shee had led an incontinent life, murdered the King her former Husband, and practised tyranny in violating the Lawes, and ancient priuiledges of their Country, especially those which De R. and De Oisel had enacted in the King of France his name, and her owne. Finally, through feare of death, and without euer hearing her answers, [Note: They extort from their Queene a Resignation of the Gouernement. ] they forced her to seale three Patents: the first of which contained, that shee assigned the gouernement ouer to her Sonne, who was scarcely thirteene moneths old: the second comprehending, how shee constituted Earle Murray to be Vice-Roy, during her Sonnes minority: and the third implyed, that in case Murray refused this charge, shee ordayned for Rectors and Protectors of her Sonne, the Duke of Chastelraut, and the Earles of Lenox, Arguile, Athol, Morton, Glencarne, and Mar: But then shee presently certified the Queene of England by Throgmorton, how shee had surrendred the gouernement of the Kingdome by compulsion, [page 152] and against her will subscribed to the Patent thereof, by Throgmortons perswasion, who informed her, that any Grant extorted from her during imprisonment, which causeth a iust and true feare, was inualidious, and of no effect. But I will relate these things more at large in the yeere ensuing, according as they may be faithfully extracted out of the Accusations, and Answers of parties, which were propounded at Yorke before the Commissioners, to whom the absolute determination of this businesse was referred. [Note: Iames the 6. consecrated and inaugurated King. ] Fiue dayes after this Resignation or Grant, IAMES, Sonne to the Queene, was consecrated and crowned King, Iohn Knox then preaching publiquely, after the Hamiltons had protested, how it was without any manner of preiudice to the Duke of Chastelraut, in the right of Succession, against the Family of Lenox. But Queene ELIZABETH forbade Throgmorton to be present hereat, to the end that by the presentiall assistance of her Ambassadour, shee might not seeme to approue this vniust deposition of the Queene. [Note: Murray returnes into Scotland. ] Twenty dayes after, Murray returned out of France into Scotland, where hauing remained onely three dayes, he went to the Queene with certaine of the Conspirators in his company, he obiected vnto her many crimes, and like a religious Confessor, layd open vnto her many demonstrations, to moue her to conuert vnto God with true repentance, and to implore his mercy. Shee shewed her selfe penitent for the sinnes of her life past, confest part of them obiected to her, extenuated some, and excused others, out of humane fragility and weakenesse, but absolutely denyed the greater part, entreated him, to assume the mannaging of affaires vnder her Sonne, and coniured him to be tender of her reputation and life. Whereunto he made answer, how this lay not in his power, but shee must sue for it, from the Estates of the Kingdome, perswading [page 153] her notwithstanding to obserue these things, if she regarded either her life, or honour. That she should not disturbe either the peace of the King or Kingdome: [Note: Hee prescribes the Queene what shee should doe. ] not to attempt the breaking of her imprisonment: no wayes to excite the King of France, or Queene of England to any domesticall or externall Warre: no more to affect Bothwell, and neuer to seeke any reuenge against them that were his enemies. So soone as he was proclaimed Vice-Roy or Regent, [Note: Hee is established Regent, or Vice-Roy. ] he obliged himselfe by Writings vnder hand and seale, to attempt nothing that should concerne either war or peace, the person and marriage of the King, or the Queenes liberty, without the consent of the other Complices: and hee caused the Lord of Lidington to informe Throgmorton, that he should no more intercede for the Queene, and that both himselfe, and all others, made choyce rather to indure any thing else, than to permit that shee enioying liberty, should still retaine Bothwell about her, expose her Sonne to danger, the Countrey to molestation, and themselues to banishment. We well know (said hee) what you English men can effect by a warre, if you harrasse our frontiers and wee yours: and are well assured out of the ancient alliance they haue alwaies entertained, will neuer forsake vs. Neuerthelesse, hee denied Ligneroll the French Ambassadour Leager, to see the Queene, while Bothwell were taken: and contrary to that which he had promised to the King of France, he daily intreated this miserable Queene most rigorously, for all the good shee had formerly done him. Hitherto, so much as I could collect out of Throgmortons Letters. Presently after, [Note: Some of the murderers of the King, are put to death. ] Earle Murray put to death Iohn Hepborne, Paris, French Dowglas, and some other of Bothwels seruants, who assisted in the murdering of the King. But when they came to their excution, they protested before God, and his Angels, (whereunto he gaue no eare) that [page 154] they heard Earle Bothwell say, how himselfe and Morton were the originall Authors, and discharged the Queene of all suspition. [Note: They acquit the Queene of all suspition. ] As also, Bothwell himselfe, when hee was prisoner in Denmarke, had often protested, both during his life, and at his death, with a most sincere and religious attestation, that she was innocent thereof: and foureteene yeeres after, when Morton came to vndergoe his last punishment, he confest: that Bothwell sollicited him to consent thereunto, and he vtterly refusing to attempt the same, except he first saw an expresse command in writing from the Queenes owne hand, he replyed, that this in no manner could be compassed, but excluded it must be without communicating of it formerly to her. [Note: The Queene of England, and the King of France, labour to procure her libertie. ] Queene ELIZABETH, and the King of France, being much incensed with such a precipitant deposition, and the Conspirators obstinacy against the sute of their Ambassadours, it turning as it were to the reproch of Royall Maiesty, they began to fauour the Hamiltons, who still held the Queenes party. Pasquier also, Ambassador Leager for France, treated with Queene ELIZABETH, to procure her re-establishment by force of Armes, who thought it most expedient, first to prohibit the Scots all commerce with England and France, while she were deliuered: that so, some diuision might grow betweene the Nobility and the people, which Nobility seemed to conspire against her. But for a while, to passe ouer these affaires of Scotland. [Note: Queene Elizabeth demands the restitution of Calais. ] Question being then made of restoring the Towne of Calais to the English, according to the Treaty of Cambray, seeing the eight yeeres therein specified were now expired, Smith being sent into France, with G. Winter, Master of the Nauall Artillery, after the sounding of a Trumpet before the gate of Calais, which lookes towards the Sea, with a lowd voyce, &tc in the French Tongue he demanded, that, according to the Articles of that Treaty, the Town &tc [page 155] Territory, with some Canons, might be surrendred into his hands: he also at the same time, drew an Act, by the hand of a publique Notary, in the presence of some Germane and Flemish Merchants, who were accidentally there at the same time, and taken for witnesses, and then he went presently to the King of France, at Castell de Fossat, where, with Norris, Ambassadour Leager, he made againe the same demand. The King sent to his Councellors, amongst whom M. de l'Hospitall, Lord Chancellor, Proloquutor for the rest, with a graue and well compiled discourse, spake to him in this manner: THat if the English had any right to lay claime to Calais, [Note: The French maintaine, how they ought not to doe it. ] they might as well challenge and pretend title to Paris, for by the fortune of Warre, they had conquered and lost both the one and the other. That the right they pretended to Calais, was but new, whereas that of the French, tooke beginning with the Kingdome it selfe. And though the English possessed it for the space of three and twenty yeeres more or lesse, yet the originall title euer remained to the King of France, as well as that of the Duchies of Guyenne, and Normandy, which the English likewise detayned for a long time, by the force of their Armes. That the French did not conquer, but rather recouered Calais, with their Armes, euen as they did their former Dukedomes. That the prescription of times, alledged by the English, tooke no place betweene Princes, but their right lay alwayes in their force, and in the Law of the twelue Tables: for one might eternally challenge his owne properties out of the hand of his enemie. That the English, though sufficiently instructed in Treaties and contractations of affaires, were neuer mindefull of Calais, in the Treaty which passed not long since, at Troyes, though they [page 156] enterprised a warre principally for the recouery thereof: so as hereby they manifested, that they had giuen ouer all pretence to the same. That this Treaty of Troyes was a Renouation, by meanes whereof that of Cambray was in some poynts reformed, notwithstanding the clause of the Reseruation of rights and claimes, because that touched onely inferiour and petty Priuiledges and claimes, whereas that of Calais was held for one of the most principall, and important. That, notwithstanding any thing which Francis the Second attempted in Scotland, this would not accrue to the preiudice of Charles the Ninth. That in some speciall cases, the attempts of particular men, were subiect to the Lawes, but in the proceedings of Kings and Princes it tooke quite otherwise. That, for whatsoeuer was vndertaken in the Kingdome of Scotland, made ouer in dowry to King Francis, the English, who by surmizes aymed at his, and the Queene of Scots proiect, they should rather complaine vnto her, seeing they entred Haure de grace, which is in France, vnder a colourable pretext of the Kings preseruation, where placing a strong Garrison, and diuers warlike munitions, they held it by force of Armes, and furnished the Prince of Conde with Moneyes: for which cause, they lost the claime which they had to Calais. That, GOD permitting the French to recouer the same, resolued in his heauenly prouidence, that it should be a meanes, to end the warres that had beene betweene them, in that they were seuered and separated by the Sea, which running betwixt both coasts, serues for iust borders and limits: as that Poet sings, And the English, who are certaine Nations, Seuer'd by Sea, from other Regions.
[page 157] That the Queene of England should take a better course, in embracing Peace with the King of France, then by seeking to recouer Calais. Finally, that no man should dare to moue a word to the King, about surrendring it to the English, but if any were so presumptuous, that he deserued extreme punishment, yea, greater torments then those of hell fire. Whereunto Smith made answere: [Note: Sir Thomas Smith's answere. ] That it nothing concerned him, and to search out what right and title the French had in former times to Calais, one must rip vp wonderfull ancient and absolute Antiquities; but well he perceiued at last, that what the French laid hold of, either by right or wrong, they take it for their own, as if their claimes and titles lay in nothing but Armes, and little car'd, whether they possest a good or bad conscience. That they resolued to hold Calais, by that Law of Nations, which permits captiues to release themselues from their enemies, and recouer former libertie, though the other held it by vertue of a solemne Conuention and Accord. And that they cal'd not to consideration, how after the first, there was another, so as they determined in no wise to performe their promise giuen touching the restitution of Calais. And yet neuerthelesse, this was of more waight and consequence then the most important reasons that could bee alleadged. That they euer tooke to themselues, and denyed the English, the glory and honour which then they willingly ascribed to them, for beeing capable and apprehensiue in Contractations. That this renouation of Contract, was but a meere Antistrophe, which might iustly bee returned vpon the French, because the reason why the Queene redemanded Calais, was for nothing else, but in that the French attempting and innouating by their Armes in Scotland, had lost the right they pretended [page 158] thereunto: because the Queene of England, vpon this, surprized Haure de grace: As if in so doing, the one Prince minded not to yeeld one iot to the other. We, said he, accorded a Peace at Troyes; which, if it induced any nouation or change, this innouation or change, cut off the right which the French had to Calais, and confirmed the English Title, which the English could not as yet iustly claime, because the eight yeeres were not then fully expired. Whereupon rising, and turning toward the Councell of France; I appeale, saith hee, to your faith and conscience, seeing your selues were then present, when wee insisted in making a Reseruation, by expresse termes, for our right to Calais, you labouring as much to haue it omitted, because the full time was not expired: Is it not true, that the Accord was made betweene vs, with this prouiso, and secret reseruation, exprest in this Clause, All other respectiue intentions and demands to remaine solid and entire, and so likewise, the exceptions and prohibitions both of the one and the other side reserued. As for Haure de grace, the English entred it without one blowe strucke, at the intreaty of the Inhabitants, and the Normane Nobility, and after a solemne protestation, that it should bee kept and held to the King of France his behoofe, so as heerein they vndertooke nothing against him by course of Armes, nor innouated not any thing to the infringement of the former Treaty. As for the moneys lent to the Prince of Conde, and his Confederates, this was done with no other drift or intention, then to satisfie the Almaine Souldiers, who mutined for their pay, and to detaine them from forraging those Countries, that liued vnder the King's obedience, which the King himselfe acknowledged to haue beene done to a good end, and for his owne speciall seruice.
[page 159] And thus you see what Sir Thomas Smith vttered, with diuers such matters and allegations. Whereupon, Monsieur Memorancy, beeing Constable of France, holding vp his Sword on high, the Scabbard whereof was set with Flowers-de-Luce, for a marke and embleme of his high Office, and vsing many words of the great warlike preparations which the English brought before Haure de grace, as if they had not only beene able to defend a small Towne, but further to haue taken in all Normandy.
No man (said Smith) need to wonder, because the Englishmen, being a maritime Nation, vnderstanding that they haue no command ouer the Winds, who are Lords of the Sea, they prouide plentifully and in due season for time to come. Then the Frenchmen complaining, that conformable to the Accord, the Protestants that fled out of France, were refused to bee deliuered to the French Ambassadour, who had demanded them: this busines was put off till another time, and so by little and little, came to be buried in silence, the Ciuill Wars instantly renewing in France. And certainely, the French-men were resolued among themselues, neuer to deliuer vp Calais againe: For they no sooner tooke it, but they razed all the old Fortifications, began to make new, let houses and grounds for fiftie yeeres, and granted a perpetuitie in others. While these matters thus passed in France, the Count of Stolberg came into England, from the Emperour Maximilian, to treate of a Marriage with the Arch-duke, for which end likewise, the Queenes Maiestie not long before had sent to the Emperour, the Earle of Sussex, with the Order of the Garter; who, for the loue he bare to his Countrey, and hatred to the Earle of Leicester, employed all his best [page 160] endeuours, to bring to passe, that the Queene might marry with a strange Prince, and Leicester by this meanes to bee frustrated of his hopes; this alwaies readily comming out of his mouth, [Note: The Earle of Sussex is sent to the Emperour. ] That whether in respect of honour, power, or meanes, a strange Prince was to be preferred before the most noble Subiect of the Kingdome of England. Which made one of a contrarie opinion, vpon a certaine time, vtter ingeniously these words in his presence: That in marriages, wherein respect is had to three things, to honour, power, and riches, the Diuell, and the World were the Paranymphes and Solliciters. Notwithstanding, Leicester conceiuing good hopes, found meanes to suborne the Lord North, whom the Earle of Sussex had chosen to accompany him in his voyage, that he should giue an eare to what he spake, cast a vigilant eye ouer what hee did, and vnder-hand to plucke backe the Marriage of the Arch-duke, as fast as hee aduanced and set it forward: letting him vnderstand, that the Queene was farre from it, whatsoeuer shew shee made of a willing mind, and what face soeuer Sussex set on it. As also himselfe laboured incessantly in Court, to diuert the Queene from any such resolution, he hauing the command of her eare, and to this end, he representing vnto her all the discommodities which might accrew, [Note: Leicester hinders it. ] by her marrying out of the Realme.
[Note: Representing to her all the discommodities that might happe~ if she married a stranger ] The Marriage of late memory that her Sister MARY contracted with the King of Spaine, whereby shee cast her selfe into perpetuall sorrow, and England into danger of comming vnder the Spanish seruitude. That it was vnpossible to discouer the manners, cogitations, and inward inclinations of strangers, though these things ought to be lookt into in the person of an Husband, who by an inseparable band, is one and the same flesh. How it was an extreme misery and griefe, to be dayly conuersant with a man of strange maners and language. That [page 161] Children begotten in such marriages, tooke from their birth, I know not what kind of extraordinarie propertie and disposition. That frequent commerce with strangers, brought into the Common-wealth strange maners and fashions of life; and that Ladies Princesses, by these Marriages, in stead of augmenting their owne Kingdomes, added to those of their Husbands, submitted themselues and their Subiects to their commands, and laid open to strangers the secrets of their Kingdoms. That a strange Husband, out of the naturall affection he bare to his owne Countrey, would preferre his owne Subiects, before the Subiects of England. That England had no need of the helpe of any stranger, beeing strong enough of it selfe, to defend the Kingdome, and the riches thereof, and to repell any forraigne Force. That the annexing of another Kingdome, would breed but charge, care, and trouble, and how Kingdomes, as well as humane bodies, fell many times by their owne waight. That some alleadged in scorne of the Nobility, That the Queene marrying within the Kingdome, should somewhat impaire her Royall dignity; whereas her Maiestie, who by her vertue opened a way to rise vnto this Soueraigntie, was extracted from Nobility, and that yet there are some Nobles of the Royall Blood, who are like Sprigs of the same Royall Branch or Arme, and hereupon, the Kings of England haue euer in their Letters, honoured Dukes, Marquisses, Earles, and Vicounts, with this Title of Cousins. In the meane while, the Earle of Sussex, taking his Iourney by Antwerp, Cullen, Magunce, Wormes, Spire, Vlme, and Ausberg, came into Austria with a great and magnificent Traine: who beeing honourably entertained, he there remained fiue moneths at the Emperours charge, hauing daily conference with him about serious and waighty [page 162] matters, and touching the Marriage of Charles; and on a day appointed, he inuested him with the Order of the Garter, at an Euening Prayer, refusing, through scruple of conscience, [Note: Articles of the marriage propounded. ] to bee present at the celebration of Masse. In this affaire, many difficulties presented themselues about Religion, and the Arch-duke's mayntenance, the stile of King, and the succession to the Kingdome; and many points were argued both of the one side and the other: For the Title and Stile of King, it was accorded he should haue it. For the Succession, in that hee could not enioy it by the Lawes of the Kingdome, in that it was preiudiciall to the Children, hee should haue the tutelage and gardianship of them. And that nothing more was granted to Philip, King of Spaine, when he married Queene MARY. As for his maintenance, if hee would furnish them at his charge, whom he should bring with him and retaine in the Court, the Queene, out of her Royall Dignitie, would abundantly discharge the rest, yea, and that too, if he required it. But one scruple still remained touching Religion: For the Emperour demanded, as also Charles himselfe, that he might haue a publike Church granted him, whither hee might repaire with his Court, to the celebration of diuine Seruice according to the Romane forme. But this beeing refused, the Emperour was satisfied with an indifferent motion, which was, That hee might haue a peculiar place ordained within the Court for this purpose, where he might quietly performe his Deuotions, as euer it is permitted the Ambassadours of Romane Princes, with a prouiso that the English should not bee thereto admitted, and that neither hee nor his Followers did oppugne the Religion receiued in England, neither fauour any opposites. If any discontentment grew about Diuine Seruice, hee should for a time forbeare his ordinary exercise, and with the Queene repaire to that celebration performed according to the Church of England. When this Treatie had beene sagely [page 163] discussed of in England, (that I may not relate any further of the negotiation) the Queene made answere, That if shee yeelded to this, she should offend her owne Conscience, and openly violate the publike Lawes of the Kingdome, to the extreme perill both of her dignitie and safety: But if Charles were pleased to come into England, to see her, he should reape fruites worthy his trauell and paines. And thus the Emperour dismissed the Earle of Sussex with great honour: and the Earle of Sussex turning a little out of his way to see Charles, tooke his leaue of him at Gratz; and the Arch-duke Charles, expecting to receiue a more fauourable Answere, found himselfe frustrated of his intention. For this prosecution was giuen ouer by little and little, which made a progression of seuen whole yeeres, with diuers intercourses of honourable Embassies: it leauing notwithstanding a mutuall loue and amity betweene the Princes, so cordiall and inherent, that the Emperour alwaies crost the Popes designes against Queene ELIZABETH. Not long after, the Arch-duke married Mary, Daughter to Albert the fifth, Duke of Bauaria, by whom, amongst other Children, he had two Daughters, whereof the one was Queene of Spaine, the other of Poland. About this time, came into England, [Note: Ambassadours sent from the Emperour of Muscouie. ] from the mightie Emperour of Russia and Muscouie, Ioh. Basilius, E. Twerdico, and T. Pogarella, with most Martlet, Sable, and Ermyne Skins, whereof at that time, and in precedent ages, the English made great account, both for ornament and health: and they promised to the Queene and the English Nation, continuance of that affection which the Emperour had manifested, and what great studie and care he had taken for the English, euer since they frequented those parts, whereof you shall hereunder see the beginning. In the yeere 1553. certaine Marchants of London, the principall of whom were An. Iudd. G. Barnes, and A. Husay, shaping out a course for Cathay, by the frozen or [page 164] Hyperborean Sea, vnder the conduct of Sir Henry Willowbie, who was frozen to death in the Iourney, Ro. Chancelour, [Note: The English opened the way to goe to Russia by Sea. ] his Lieutenant, happily opened the passage of Russia, before this time vnknowne, running vp with the Riuer of Duina, till he came to sixtie degrees of the Pole Articke, where a little Monasteerie is seated, consecrated to Saint Nicholas. When the Emperour heard of it, he sent for him to the Mosco, in Caroches made after the manner of the Countrie: he entertain'd and dismist him with many graces and fauours, promising the English great immunities, if they would trade into his Empire, and reioycing that hee had met with a meanes to transport by Sea into Russia, forraign merchandize, which the Russia~s could not come by before, but with great difficultie, by the Narue, and the Kingdome of Poland, enemies. When Robert Chancelor vpon his returne gaue inforamtion thereof, and of what high esteeme the Clothes of England were in those parts, the low rate of Hempe and Flaxe, whereof they made their Cables and cordage, [Note: The Company of Muscouie Marchants. ] and what rich Skins they affoorded, these Marchants raised a society or company, by Queene MARIES permission, in a faire Building appropriated to their vse, which at this day we call the Moscouie house; and Basilius granting them many immunities, they haue since that time, sent euery yeere a Fleet of Ships, and maintained traffique, the which likewise hath been greatly augmented since the yeere 1569. when out of his loue to Queene ELIZABETH, he granted them, that none but the English of this Company, might traffique into the North part of Russia, and they onely should sell their merchandizes throughout the whole extent of his Empire, which is large and spacious, as in fit place shall be declared. An. Ienkinson returned with these Ambassadours into England, who had obseruantly runne ouer all this Countrey: he described the same in a Geographicall Map, and was the first man of the English, that cross'd the Caspian [page 165] Sea, and landed in the Countrey of the Bactrians. The Emperour committed vnto him secret matters, which hee would by no meanes communicate to any of his owne people, which was, [Note: A secret message from the Emperour of Muscouy. ] seriously to treat with Queene ELIZABETH in his name, that she would enter into mutuall league with him offensiue, and defensiue, against all the world, and that she would send into Russia, Ship-wrights, Mariners, warlike Munitions, and to oblige her selfe by solemne oath, courteously to receiue him, with his Wife, and Children, if he were driuen out of his Empire, eyther by rebellious Subiects, or open enemies. And thus this Tyrant, whom no man could trust, seemed to be distrustfull euen of himselfe: and though he were somewhat moued with the short and ambiguous answer that her Maiesty returned, yet did he not giue ouer solliciting of her in these things, both by Letters and Ambassies, as hereafter shall be expressed, requesting her continually, to send him backe that same Anthony Ienkinson, who, as he thought, had not beene so faithfull, as in matters of so great waight was requisite. The first Moneth of this yeere, dyed Nicholas Wotton, [Note: The death of N. Wotton: ] a Doctor of the Ciuill Law, and Deane of the Churches of Canterbury and Yorke: a very honourable person, for his parentage, but much more for his prudence: whereof he had giuen ample testimony both within and without the Realme. For, hee was one of the Priuy-Councell to the Kings, HENRY the Eighth, and EDVVARD the Sixth; as also, to Queene MARY, and Queene ELIZABETH. Nine times he went Ambassadour to the Emperour, the Kings of France and Spaine, and other Princes. Three times he was a Commissioner to make peace betweene the English, French, and Scots; and one of the sixteene, whom HENRY the Eighth chose for Executors of his last Will and Testament. [Note: And the Duchesse of Norfolke. ] There dyed also El. Leyborne, third Wife to Thomas, [page 166] Duke of Norfolke, and formerly Widdow to the Lord Dacres, hauing brought him forth no Children. But she had one by her first Husband, George the Baron: who dyed young, with a fall off of a Vauting-Horse of wood, when he learned to vaut: and three Daughters, who were all affianced by promises of performance to the Dukes three Sonnes. I told you, how Shan O-Neale, lawfull Sonne to Cone-Oneale, surnamed Bacon; that is to say, Lame; the mightiest man in the North part of Ireland, which is called Vlster, was come into England, and craued pardon for his offence, in the yeere 1563. When hee was returned into his Countrey, hee valiantly defended that part of Ireland against the Scots which landed there out of Cantria, and Hebride: [Note: Shan O-neale raiseth troubles. ] and he slew 10. Mac O-Neale, his father in Law, and Anny his Brother, who conducted them. This victory causing him to be insolent, he began to exercise tyranny vpon other petty Lords of Vlster, not of so powerfull a command as himselfe: hee burnt Armach, the Metropolitane City of Ireland, for hatred to the Arch-bishop, draue Mac-Guire out of the inheritance of his Predecessors, pilled and sacked Mac-Genisse, and others; and the English, receiuing them into their protection, hee spred rebellious colours against Queene ELIZABETH. [Note: He rebels. ] But he presently wrapt them vp againe, at the instigation of Cusac, a Knight of the Order, yeelded vp his Sonne in Hostage, and submitted himselfe. And Queene ELIZABETH, to containe him within bounds, hauing rent and torne all those Letters, by which HENRY the Eighth declared Matthew falsly reputed for his Sonne, to be Heire to Cone, she resolued to conferre vpon him, the honourable titles of Earle of Tyrone, and Baron of Dungannon, as being the vndoubted Sonne and Heire. But this man altogether impatient of repose, and peace, perceiuing that he was able to bring into the field a thousand Horse, and foure [page 167] thousand foot of his Vassals, and Tenants, and he had already fiue hundred of his Guard, with barbarous pride hee reiected such titles of honour, in comparison of the name of O-Neale, but caused himselfe, by his owne people, to be styled King of Vlster: He trayned vp the Peasants to War, offered the Kingdome of Ireland to the Queene of Scots, and conceiued such a mortall hatred against the English, that hauing built a Castle vpon the Lac Eaugh, he named it Feognegall, which is to say, the Hatred of the English, and strangled some of his people, because they ate the bread of the English, though hee would neuer speake otherwise than honourably of the Queene. Sir Henry Sidney was commanded to arme against him, [Note: Sir Henry Sidney armes against him. ] and Randolph, a braue Conductor, sent by Sea, vpon the Northerne Frontiers of Vlster, to Derry, which is a small Episcopall See, neere to Loygh-foy, with a troupe of horse, and seuen hundred foot, to assaile him vpon the backe, when the Vice-Roy would come vp, and set vpon him in his Van. Shan vnderstanding this, hotly beleaguerd Dundalk, but was repelled by the Garrison, with great losse of men: as he was likewise from Wittscastell, where hee met with no lesse losse. Then being about with fire and sword to waste the Earledome of Louth, with the ouerthrow of a number of men, he was rowted by a small troupe of the English: when, making towards Derry, he forraged all the Countrey round about, [Note: He is discomfited. ] and prouoked the English Garrison to fight, who ranging themselues in battell, fell on all sides vpon this disordered multitude, disarrayed, ouerthrew, and put them to open flight. But the victory proued but sorrowfull, by reason of a lamentable accident that light vpon Randolph, who was slaine fighting valiantly among the thickest of his enemies: as braue a Gentleman questionlesse, as our present times haue seene, and none euer purchased greater respect, ioyned with loue, among Souldiers, than this man had done. S. Lo being [page 168] constituted in his place, he much endammaged the Rebels in that quarter, till on a day, when the Fort by an vnhappy accident, was set on fire, with all the Munition, and Powder, which blew vp many Souldiers. For then, embarking all his foot in shipping, and with a wing of Horse, commanded by one Haruey, he past through the middest of his enemies, who continually galled him, and, by a way of foure dayes iourney, went to the Lord Deputy, who, to honour Randolphs vertue, solemnized his Obsequies, and was himselfe in mourning. And raising forces presently to goe into Vlster, Shan retyred with his men into the Woods and Forrests, re-amassing againe together at seuerall times, here and there, the rest of his men, about Clogner, and Castell Salmon, belonging to Turlogh-Leinich, who then had left it. But when the Lord Deputy had constituted Garrisons, settled Odonel againe in his State, and was returned to appease the differences between the Earles of Ormond and Desmond, who in an ill time bandied one against another, Shan re-assuming courage, [Note: Shan re-assumes courage. ] after he had spoyled and ranged farre vp into the Countrey, he againe besieged Dundalch, which he was presently constrained to giue ouer with great losse, and shame, many of his men being slaine: insomuch, that enraged with fury and madnesse, he practised most barbarous cruelty against them: [Note: He vseth cruelty to his men. ] for, many had forsaken him, and he perceiuing that his number was greatly diminished, (for besides those that left him, he lost a thousand in fight) and how the passages were stopped, and all places of retreat seyzed vpon by the English, he resolued to prostitute himselfe at the Deputies feet, [Note: He meanes to yeeld. ] and to craue pardon with an Halter about his necke. But, being disswaded by his Secretary, and first to try the amity of the Scots of Hebrides, who were returned into Clande-boy, from whence he had formerly driuen them, and were there re-entred into an hot warre, vnder the conduct of A.Oge; which is to say, [page 169] the youngest, and M. Gillespic, whose Brethren, Anne, and Ioh. O-Neale, himselfe had slaine in fight: he first sent vnto them, their Brother Surley-boy, that is to say, Surley the Redde, to recouer their fauour, and then went to them himselfe, with the Wife of Odonel, whom he had stolne away. They, boyling with choller, to bee reuenged for their brethren, and cousins, whom he had slaine, entertayned him but with feigned courtesie, but presently leading him into their Tent, in drinking they quarrelled with him, vpon some obscene speeches he vsed of their Mother, and so falling vpon him with their naked swords, [Note: He is slaine. ] slew both himselfe, and many others of his company. And thus you may see, what a bloudy end this Shan came to, in the middest of Iune, after he had taken away all gouernement from his Father, and life from his bastard-Brother. A man wonderfully polluted with Homicides, and Adulteries, a great gourmand, and an infamous drunkard, who, to refresh his body inflamed with too-much Wine, and Vsquebagh, he was faine to bury himselfe often-times in ground, vp to the chin. He left behinde him, Henry, and Shan, his Sonnes, that he had by his Wife, and many others whom he begot on the Wife of Odonel, &tc his other Concubines. His possessions and goods were confiscated by the Parliament of the Kingdome of Ireland, and Turlogh-Leinich, the mightiest man of the Family of O-Neale, and of a stayed spirit, proclaimed O-Neale, by the Queenes permission, and the peoples election. Neuerthelesse, the Queen, for an opposite to him, if he should chance to exceed the bounds of his duety, [Note: Hugon, who was afterwards Baron of Dungannon. ] receiued to grace Hugon, Nephew to Shan, by reason of Matthew his Brother, who was commonly called the Baron of Dungannon, a young man then of small note, and yet afterwards he proued the Tempest, yea the very Plague and Pestilence of his Countrey. Thus peace was concluded vpon Vlster. But in the meane [page 170] while, new troubles grew in Munster, through the debate and secret grudgings, about their seuerall limits and borders, [Note: Troubles in Munster. ] which fell out betweene the Earles of Ormond and Desmond, so as they came to hand-blowes neere to Dromell, and were both summoned into England, to plead their causes before the Qu. Priuy-Councell. But they, the matter much encombred, sent them backe to the Vice-Roy in Ireland, where they might haue both their titles and testimonies neere at hand. Both of them being equall in the number of warlike subiects, in courage, and friends at Court, contemning the decision of Lawes, they resolued to end their suite by the sword. The Vice-Roy hindred it as much as he could, both by his authority and armes. But Ormond, who would be thought to haue the best cause, so wrought, that the Vice-Roy was blamed for bearing too-much with Desmond, and commanded to seyze his person, which he did, when hee least thought of it, and together with himselfe, he tooke Ioh. Desmond, his Vnkle by the Fathers side, neere to Kilmalec, and so, he sent them both into England, where, they had a strong Guard set about them.
THE ELEVENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. [Note: Booke 1. 1568. ] Anno Dom. 1568.
WHen Tho. Harding, N. Sanders, and T. P. [Note: The Papists absolue many. ] Diuines, and Fugitiues out of England, boldly exercised the Episcopall Authority they had lately receiued from the Pope: IN iurisdiction of conscience, to absolue all those English that would returne into the bosome of the Romane Church, to dispence in cases of irregularity, except in poynts proceeding from voluntary manslaughter, or growne to a contentious iurisdiction, and of irregularitie, by reason of Heresie, so the absolued abstaine for three yeeres, from ministring at the Altar: [page 172] On the other side, it hapned, that Colman, Button, Hallingham, Benson, and some others, who with ardent zeale professed the more pure Religion, [Note: The Jnnouators shew themselues. ] reprehended whatsoeuer was performed without authority out of the holy Scriptures, and, whether transported with a desire of purer doctrine, of nouelty, or of dissentions, but, in the open view of all men, they questioned the Discipline of the English Church, authorized and receiued the Liturgie, and vocation of Bishops, expresly condemning them, as senting too strongly of the Romane Church, with which to hold any thing in common, they daily preached to be a singular impiety, vsing all meanes and endeuour that matters in the English Church might be reformed, according to the forme of Geneua. And, although the Queene commanded them to be clapt vp in prisons, yet they had an incredible number of Followers, who were presently branded with that odious style of Puritans: [Note: Puritans. ] And in all places they encreased, out of a wilfull obstinacy, the imprudence of the Bishops, and the secret fauours of some of the Nobilitie, who barked at, and maligned the riches of the Church. [Note: Second ciuill warre in France. ] And, when some French likewise laboured after reformation of Religion, and fearing lest the Papists would enter into league against them, they repayred to the King with armes in hand, by reason of the iust feare they stood in, and in this manner presented vnto him a Supplication. A second ciuill warre hapned; for cessation whereof, the Queene commanded her Ambassadour Norris, to sollicite the King; and so, hereupon, a Peace was agreed vpon, but, questionlesse hollow, and full of deceit, and stratagem. At the same time, the Queene, mother to the King of France, shewing great affability and grace, both to the Ambassadour himselfe, and diuers of the English, couertly shee vsed some speech, as pretending to treat of other affaires, that shee was desirous to marry Henry, Duke of Anjou, [page 173] her Sonne, to Queene ELIZABETH, who was hardly seuenteene yeeres old, to diuert her, as diuers supposed, from assisting the Protestants of France, in the third Ciuill-Warre, which shee plotted presently to be set on foote. [Note: The Duke of Aniou, commended to Queene Elizabeth. for an Husband. The English Ambassador disgracefully vsed in Spaine.] But then in Spaine, Man, the English Ambassadour, was disgracefully entreated: For, it beeing imputed to him, that he had spoken vnreuerently of the Pope, hee was prohibited the Court, afterwards banisht from Madril, to a little Village among boorish and rusticall people; he is forced to heare Masse, and the exercise of his owne Religion forbidden him. Wherein, I am not able to say whether the Spaniards shewed greater hatred to Queene ELIZABETH, or to Religion, considering that at the same time, she vsed all manner of humanity to Guzman, the Spanish Ambassadour in England, permitting him the exercise of his religion: Her Maiestie was wonderfully moued with this Insult, esteeming it offered to her own person, in that they vsed her Ambassadour so, as likewise for the iniurie which was done at the same instant to one Iohn Hawkins. [Note: Hawkins ill intreated by the Spaniards in America. ] This man went to traffique at the Port of S. Iohn de Vlua, within the Mexican Gulfe, hauing fiue Ships laden with merchandize, and some Negro slaues, of whom the English then made ordinary sale, hauing learn'd it of the Spaniards: but I know not with what honour they might so doe. The day after his arriuall, came in also the King of Spaine's Fleet, which (because he would not violate the Peace) he suffered peaceably to enter into the Port, though he might haue hindred it, obtayning first a firme promise of security for himselfe and his people, vpon certaine prouisoes and conditions. The Spaniards thus entered, scorning to haue conditions imposed vpon them in their owne Proprieties, obserued a fit time, and falling vpon the English, slew many of them, seized on three of their Ships, and made pillage of the goods; a victory notwithstanding that cost themselues much blood. This treacherous Action, caused [page 174] the Souldiers and Sea-men of England to murmur, vrging them to call out for warre against the Spaniard, and dayly exclaiming, how they were breakers of Peace and Accord, because it was agreed vpon between the Emperour Charles the fifth, and HENRY the Eighth, that commerce should bee free betweene their Subiects, in all and each of their Kingdomes and Dominions, as also in the Ilands, not excepting so much as America, which then appertayned to Charles. [Note: The Queene of Scots escapes out of prison. ] About the same time, the second day of May, the prisoner Queene at Lake-Leuin, made an escape out of prison, and retired to Hamilton Castle, by meanes of George Dowglasse, to whose Brother shee was committed in guard; where, vpon the testimonies of R. Meluin and others, and with an vnanimous consent of all the Nobles, who flockt thither in great numbers, Sentence definitiue was vttered, That the Grant or Resignation, extorted by meere feare from the prisoner Queene, was void from the beginning: and the Queene her selfe beeing present, tooke a solemne Oath, that it was extorted and forced from her. By meanes whereof, in two dayes such multitudes of men repayred to her out of all parts, as she raised an Army of sixe thousand braue Souldiers, who notwithstanding, when they came to ioyne battell with Murray, [Note: She is vanquished. ] &tc fighting rather hare-braindly, then with wit or discretion, they were soone discomfited. This timorous Lady, beeing daunted with that hard successe, betooke her selfe to flight, and rode the same day threescore miles; when comming by night to Maxwel's house, Baron of Heris, she had rather expose herselfe to the mercy of the Sea, and rely vpon Queen ELIZABETHS Protection, than vpon the fidelity of her Subiects: But yet before her embarking, shee sent vnto her, Iohn Beton, with a Diamond that Queen ELIZABETH had formerly giuen her for a gage of their mutuall loue and amitie, to the end to aduertise her, that shee meant to come into England, [page 175] and demand succour of her, if her owne Subiects any longer pursued her by course of Warre. Queene ELIZABETH promised her all the kindnesse and loue of a Royall Sister: but she not staying the returne of the Messenger, committed her selfe to a small Vessell, against the aduice and counsell of her friends, and so the seuenteenth of May, with the Barons, Heris and Flemming, and some fewe others, came to Werrington in Cumberland, neere to the mouth of the Riuer Derwenton: and the same day shee wrote to Queene ELIZABETH a Letter in French, the principall heads whereof, I thinke good to set downe, euen as I extracted them out of the originall Copie it selfe, which comprehend a Relation of that which passed against her in Scotland, more at large then what before I haue deliuered.
MY most deare Sister, you very wel vnderstand, [Note: She writes to Qu. Elizab. ] how some of my Subiects, whom I haue raised to soueraigne degrees of honor, haue conspired to suppresse and imprison both mee and my Husband: as also, that when by force of Armes I had expelled them out of my Kingdome, I receiued them againe into grace, at your entreatie; notwithstanding all this, they violently entred into my Chamber, and though I was great with Child, cruelly slew mine owne seruant in my presence, and shut vp my selfe vnder guard and close keeping. When I pardoned them of this crime, then presently they perpetrate another, the which, though it were plotted by them, and had obliged themselues to the execution thereof, by seal'd writings, subscribed with their owne hands, yet they imputed it to mee, and were ready with armed power to seize vpon me. But beeing confident in mine owne innocence, for the sparing of blood, I was content to yeeld my selfe vnto them: Foorthwith they committed mee to prison, beeing depriued of all my [page 176] seruants, except two wayting-Maides, a Cooke, and a Phisician; enforcing me, by menacings and terrors of death, to resigne ouer the gouernment of the Kingdome, refusing to heare either me or my Attourneys, in a Conuention of the Estates, summon'd by their owne authority onely, stript off all my goods, and denyed the meanes to speake with any. After this, by Gods direction, I vsed a course to escape this imprisonment, and beeing assisted with the whole Flowre of the Nobilitie, who cheerefully made recourse vnto me out of all parts, I put mine enemies in minde of their duety, and of the fidelity they had sworne vnto me, offered them pardon, tooke order that each partie might bee heard in the Conuention of the Estates, to the end the Common-wealth might no longer bee rackt and tormented with intestine mischiefes; and for this effect, I sent towards them two Messengers: But they imprisoned both of them, proclaimed them Traytors that assisted me, and ordayned that they should presently forsake me. I entreated them vnder publike warrant and safety, to negotiate with the Baron of Boyd, for the according of these differences: but in this motion they also refused me. Neuerthelesse, I conceiued some hope, that they might bee brought vnder obedience by your procurements: but when I saw that I must either dye, or vndergoe another imprisonment, I thought to goe to Dunbritton, and was onward in my way: They opposed and way-laid me, beat and ouerthrew my people, my selfe beeing constrained to flie. Then I retired to the Baron of Heris, and with him repayred into your Kingdome, relying on your Princely and Royall affection, that you will ayde me in my need, and by your example inuite others thereunto. Wherefore, I request you in all kinde affection, that beeing so deepely plunged in many distresses, as at this instant I am, you will cause mee to be conducted out of hand to [page 177] your presence, and if you be pleased to commiserate my case, I will at large informe you of all. God grant you a long and happy life, and me the patience to attend that comfort I hope for from Him, by your gracious meanes, and dayly Prayer for, with all my heart. Queene ELIZABETH returning her great comfort in Letters, and by the mouth of Francis Knowles, and others, promised her assistance, according to the equitie of her cause: but neuerthelesse she refused her accesse, because shee was commonly taxed with many grosse crimes, and commanded she should be conuayed to Carlile, where shee might remaine in greatest security, if her Aduersaries attempted any thing against her, by Lowder, Lieutenant Gouernour of the place, and the Gentlemen of the Countrey. Hauing receiued this answere and refusall, she once againe made her request by Letters, and by the mouth of Maxwell, Baron of Heris, to this effect: THat she would admit her in her own presence, [Note: She writes againe. ] to report the iniuries and indignities had been offered her, and to answer those crimes laid to her charge: Intimating to her Maiesty, how it was iust that Qu. ELIZABETH, who was so neere vnto her in blood, should giue care to her in her banishment, and to re-establish her in her Kingdome, against those, who hauing beene expelled for their offences committed against her, by Queene ELIZABETHS intercession they were againe restored, and to her owne finall ruine, if the storme were not out of hand preuented. Wherefore shee requested her, that either shee might bee admitted to speake personally to her, and to grant her some ayde, or else to permit and be pleased that she might presently depart out of England, to seeke for succour some where else, and that she might not be detained any longer time [page 178] in the Castle of Carlile, in that shee came voluntarily into England, vpon the confidence shee had in the loue and affection which had so many times beene honourably promised her, by Messengers, Letters, and Remembrances. [Note: Queene Elizabeth pitties her. ] These Letters, and Heris words, seemed (for who can diue into the secret thoughts of Princes? and wise men lay them vp in their hearts) to moue Queene ELIZABETH to compassion of a Princesse, her neere Kinswoman, and so deepely distressed, who hauing been surprized by her own Subiects with force, and Armes, committed to prison, brought to extreme danger of her life, condemned, and depriued of her Kingdome, without beeing heard, (although no Iudgement can passe vpon a priuate man without former hearing) shee was retyred into England vnto her, with infallible hopes of finding ayd and succour. And the free offer which this vnfortunate Queene made, to pleade her owne cause in her presence; the charge she tooke vpon her, to conuince her Aduersaries of the same malefacts whereof they accused her, (though most innocent) were to her hopefull and encouraging motiues thereunto. [Note: The priuy Counsell consult of it. ] What pitty and commiseration soeuer Queen ELIZABETH had of her, the Councell of England deliberated grauely and aduisedly, what in this case was to bee done. They fear'd, that if shee remained any longer in England, hauing a perswasiue and mouing tongue, she might drawe many to her partie, who fauoured the Title which she pretended to the Crowne of England, who might peraduenture inflame her ambition, and attempt all meanes to maintaine her claime. That forraigne Ambassadours would be present at her Consultations, and the Scots would not in this case forsake her, seeing so rich a booty to offer it selfe. Besides, they considered, that the fidelity of her Guard might be doubtfull; and, if shee chanc'd to dye in England, [page 179] though it were of some infirmity or sicknesse, many slanders might be rais'd, and so the QVEENE should be dayly encumbred with new cares. If she were sent into France, the Guizes, her Cousins, would againe set on foot the Title whereby she laid claime to the Crowne of England. That, what opinion soeuer was conceiued of her, she might preuaile greatly in England, with some, for pretext of Religion, with others, for the probability of her right, as before I told you, and with the most part of men, out of their precipitate affection of Nouelties. That the Amity betweene England and Scotland, so behoofefull and beneficiall, would be broken, and the ancient Allyance between Scotland and France renewed, which would then bee more dangerous then heretofore, because the Burgundians, who had no infallible friends but the Scots, should bee linckt to the English by a firme Alliance. If shee were sent backe into Scotland, those that tooke with the English partie, should thereupon be banisht, and that of France rais'd to the publike administration of gouernment of Affaires, the young Prince exposed to danger, Religion chang'd, the French, and other strangers still retained in Scotland, Ireland would bee more grieuously molested by the Scots of Hebrides, and her selfe exposed to the perill of life within her owne Kingdome. Wherefore the greater part ioyned in opinion, that shee was to be retained in England, [Note: The Councell resolues she should be retained in England. ] as beeing taken by the Law of Armes, and not to bee releast, till shee had giuen ouer her present claime to the Crowne of England, which shee tooke vpon her, and answered for the death of the Lord Darley her husband, who was a naturall Subiect of England. For the Countesse of Lenox, mother to the Lord Darley, [Note: The Countesse of Lenox complaines of her. ] blubbered all ouer with teares, had, not long before, prefer'd a Petition about her and her husband, to the Queene of England, with supplication that she might be brought to Iudgement for the murder of her Sonne. But the Queene graciously comforting her, admonisht her, that she would [page 180] not accuse so great a Princesse, who was her very neere Kinswoman, of a crime which could not be prooued by any euident testimonies: intimating vnto her, how the times were bad and wicked, and hatred blind, imputing offences oftentimes to the Innocent. [Note: The Baron of Heris interceds for her. ] On the contrary, the Baron of Heris was a suiter to Qu. ELIZABETH, that she would suddenly beleeue nothing to the preiudice of truth, and that Earle Murray might not hurrie vp Assemblies of Parliament in Scotland, to the iniurie and wrong of the Queene, who was expelled, and the absolute ruine of her good Subiects. But though the Queene of England much pressed this point, Earle Murray, the Vice-Roy, summoned them still in the Kings name, banished some that remained yet behind of her partialitie, and vented the malice hee bare to them, vpon their demeanes and houses. The Queene of England beeing herewith mightily incens'd, certified him in expresse termes by Mildemay, that she could not endure, for a most pernicious President to Kings, that the Royall Authoritie of sacred Maiestie, should bee esteemed vile and abiect amongst the Subiects, and trampled vnder-foot at the will and pleasure of men turbulent and factious. That howsoeuer they forgot the duety and fidelitie which Subiects owe to their Prince, yet for her part, shee could not bee vnmindfull of that pitty and Commiseration, which obliged her to a Sister, [Note: Earle Murray is commanded to yeeld a reason of the Queenes deposition. ] and a neighbour Qu. Wherefore she wisht him either to come in person, or to substitute vnderstanding men, to answere those complaints which the Queene of Scots would exhibit against him and his Confederates, and to yeeld some iust cause and reason of his deposing her. If not, that herselfe would presently set her at liberty, and employ all her forces for her re-establishment. And so likewise she admonished him, not to sell her precious habits and ornaments, though the States of the Kingdome had permitted him. [page 181] Earle Murray obeyed: there being no other way, to call in question his administration and gouernement, but those that came out of England, and the great Men of the Kingdome refusing any manner of deputation. Wherefore, he came himselfe in person to the City of Yorke, a place appointed for this proceeding, with seuen of his most inward friends, being Deputies for the Infant-King; that is to say, the Earle of Morton, the Bishop of Orcades, [Note: Deputies for the King of Scots: ] the Gouernour of Dunfermlin, the Baron of Lindsay, 10. Macgill, and Henry Barneuay, accompanied with the Earle of Lidington, whom Murray drew thither with faire promises, in that he durst not leaue him behinde in the Kingdome, and George Buchanan, who was wholly at his deuotion and becke. And the very same day came thither the Duke of Norfolke, and the Earle of Sussex, who not long before was constituted President of the North, and Sir Ralph Sadler, a Knight, and one of the Priuy-Councell, who were nominated, to heare, and examine the cause, why the Queene of Scots was deposed. The Bishop of Rosse, [Note: For the Qu. of Scots. ] the Barons of Leuingstone, and of Boyd, the Gouernour of Kenivinin, Iohn Gordon, and Iohn Corburne, appeared there for the Queene of Scots, who was wonderfully wroth, that the Queene of England would neither see nor heare her, hauing commanded that her owne Subiects should stand vp against her before the Commissaries, in that being an absolute Princesse, she stood not bound, except she listed, to make answer to her Subiects accusations, and obiections. Being assembled on the seuenth of October, and read the Commissions, both of the one side, and the other, Lidington, who was there present, turning towards the Scots, admonished them, with a marueilous free and plaine discourse: That seeing it seemed, [Note: Lidingtons declaration to the Scots. ] the Queene of England pretended no other thing by the authority shee had conferred [page 182] vpon the Commissaries, but to staine the honour, and impaire the reputation of the Queene, the Kings Mother, and to interpose herein her owne censure, as an honourable Arbitratrix: but that they should weigh and well consider, what a perill they exposed themselues vnto, and how they were like to purchase not onely the hatred of the Scots, who continued deuoted and affected to the Queene, but further the ill-will of other Christian Princes, and of such affinitie as shee had in France, in criminally accusing and hazarding her reputation, in such a publique and iuridicall Tryall before the English, sworne enemies to the Scottish name; and what account could they giue to the King of such a presumptuous and insolent accusation, which could not but redound to the preiudice of Scotland, when, being of riper yeeres, hee shall repute both himselfe, his Mother, and countrey hereby dishonoured? And therefore hee thought it very fitting, to let fall this odious accusation of so great a Princesse, except the Queene of England had contracted with them a mutuall League, offensiue, and defensiue, against those that should in case molest or trouble them. And thus much (said hee) out of his loyaltie and dutie, a Scottish Secretarie hath aduertised you of. Hereupon, looking vpon one another, they remained not vttering one word. [Note: The protestation of the Queene of Scots Deputies. ] The Queene of Scots Deputies, who had the honour to speake first, before the taking of their Oath, protested, That though the Queene of Scots thought good, to haue the cause betweene her Maiesty and her disloyall Subiects, handled before the English, yet neuerthelesse they conceiued not themselues herein to be vnder the command of any but their owne Princesse, seeing Shee was free and absolute, and ought neither faith nor homage to any other. [page 183] The English, in like manner, protested, How they accepted not of this protestation, to the preiudice of any right or prerogatiue, which the Kings of England haue heretofore challenged, as Soueraigne Lords of the Kingdome of Scotland. The next day, the Queene of Scots Deputies put in their Declaration in writing: [Note: A declaration for the Queene. ] HOw the Earles of Morton, Mar, and Glencarne, the Barons of Hume, Lindsay, Reuthen, and Sempil, and others, had raysed an Armie in the Kings name, against the Queene her selfe, taken her, vsed her disgracefully, and clapt her vp in prison, at Lake-Leuin: They broke open the Mint, carried away all sorts of Coyne, Gold, and Siluer, Money or no Money, crowned the King her Sonne, who was yet but an Infant: and the Earle of Murray, vnder the title of Vice-Roy or Regent, vsurped his power and authority, and seyzed on all the wealth, munition, and reuenewes of the Kingdome. Afterwards, they alledged, that the Queene being escaped out of Prison, after shee had beene there restrayned for the space of tenne dayes, denounced publiquely vpon her oath, That whatsoeuer shee had yeelded vnto during her imprisonment, was extorted from her against her will, by force, threats, and terrour of death. Notwithstanding, to prouide for common tranquillitie, shee had giuen authoritie to the Earles of Argathel, Eglenton, Cassil, and Rothsay, to accord all differences with her Aduersaries, who, for all this, forbare not with a strong and armed hand to seyze on her person, as shee retyred by priuy wayes towards Dunbritton: they slew the most of her loyall Subiects, and, for those remayning, some they carried away prisoners, others they banished, and all this for nothing, but onely in that they had faithfully serued [page 184] their Princesse: And that for these inhumane outrages, shee was constrained to repaire into England, to implore of Queene ELIZABETH that ayd and succour, which shee had oftentimes promised her, that so shee might be restored to her Countrie and former dignitie. A few dayes after, Earle Murray, Vice-Roy, and the Deputies for the Infant-King, (for so they were nominated) put in their Answer: which was; [Note: The anwer of the Kings Deputies. ] THat Lord Darley, the Kings Father, beeing slaine, Earle Bothwell, who was reputed the author of this Murder, had so bewitched the Queenes heart, as hee carried her away by force, remoued her to Dunbar, and, after a separation from his owne Wife, married her. That the Nobles of the Kingdome, being moued herewith, they thought they could not discharge a better office, than to punish Bothwell, the author of this assassinate: for, all ouer the Country, it was imputed to a generall conspiracy among the principall of the Nobilitie, to restore the Queene to her former libertie, to dissolue this vniust marriage, and to prouide for the young Kings safetie, and the quiet and tranquillitie of the Kingdome. When the matter was so exasperated, as they were readie to come to hand-blowes, the Queene caused Bothwell to retire out of the Realme; against the Nobilitie shee thundred out such threats, and threatned such reuenge, as they were enforced to commit her to a guard, while they could finde out, and execute Bothwell. But shee, weary of reigning with so infinite many disturbances, had willingly resigned, and transferred ouer the Kingdome to her Sonne, constituting the Earle of Murray for Vice-Roy. That hereupon, her Sonne was solemnely consecrated [page 185] and crowned King, all confirmed and ratified in Parliament, by the States of the Kingdome. That, by reason of Iustice, which was equally ministred, the Scottish Common-wealth had recouered some vigour, and strength, while some particulars, who could not endure the publique repose, had, contrary to their oath, cautelously released the Queene out of safe custodie, and taken vp Armes, violating herein the fidelitie they owe to their King, and though (thankes be to GOD) they obtayned victory ouer them, yet notwithstanding, with an hostile and disloyall heart, they presumptuously enterprized against their Countrey and Prince: and therefore, the Royall Authoritie must needes conformably haue beene supprest by such tumultuous and mutinous Subiects. After a reiteration of the former protest, the Queene of Scots Deputies replyed in these words: THat what Earle Murray and his Complices alledged, [Note: The Queens Reply. ] for hauing taken vp Armes against the Queene, in that Bothwell, whom they accused of killing the KING, was in great grace and authoritie about her, could not iustly brand them with the marke of disloyall Subiects, seeing there was no euident proofe of his murdering the King; but contrariwise, by sentence of the Peeres, hee was cleared thereof, and this absolution confirmed by Act of Parliament, with their very approbation and consent, who at this time accuse him, and that then perswaded the Queene to take him for her Husband, as beeing more sufficient than all others, to sway and gouerne the Kingdome: they obliged vnto him their fidelitie in Writing, and not so much as in words, disallowed of this marriage, while they had drawne to their partie [page 186] the Captaine or Gouernour of the Castle, and the Maior of Edenborrough. For, then in the night, which was a very vnfit season, in hostile manner they assayled the Castle of Bothwick, where the Queene was, and shee, retyring her selfe, by the fauour of the night, they presently raysing an Armie, vnder pretext of her defence, went themselues into the field, way-layde her, as shee went to Edenborrough, and aduertized her, by Grange, whom they sent to her, that shee should shake off Bothwell, while hee had appeared in iudgement, and cleared himselfe: all which shee willingly did, to auoid effusion of bloud. But Grange, vnder-hand, admonished Bothwell to with-draw himselfe, promising him with oath, that no bodie should pursue him; so as hee made away with their owne consent, and (beeing minded) they might easily haue taken him afterwards. But, when they had once gotten the Queene into their hands, for the mannaging of their ambitious designes, they made no great reckoning of him: and it is no great wonder, when they beeing the Queenes Subiects, and hauing vowed fidelity to her, shee bitterly rebuked them, hauing so basely and vnworthily entreated her Royall Maiesty. Shee freely referred the matter to the whole Estates of the Kingdome, and made a declaration thereof vnto them, by Lidington her Secretary. But, they would not so much as giue any eare vnto it, but conueyed her away secretly by night, and emprisoned her at Lake-Leuin. In saying, that wearied with her Reigne, shee resigned and gaue ouer the Kingdome, is a most palpable inuention, because shee is neither too-much broken with yeeres, nor of such a feeble and weake constitution, but equally vigorous both in bodie and minde, to mannage weightie and great affaires: but most certaine it is, that the Earles of Athol, Tubardine, and Lidington, who were also of [page 187] her Councell, aduized her to seale the drafts of Resignation, to auoyd death, where-with shee was daily threatned: and this was not done with any preiudice eyther to her selfe, or her Heires, because shee was then a prisoner, and imprisonment is a iust feare; for, according to the opinion of Ciuilians, a promise made by a prisoner, is of no worth. Hereunto also she was perswaded by Throgmorton, who presented vnto her a draft written with his owne hand; whom shee entreated to informe the Queene of England, that shee did it constrained, and contrary to her will. That when Lindsay presented to her the Patents, for her to subscribe vnto, hee terrified her with feare and horrour of death, and so by this meanes, enforced her to seale with weeping eyes, not hauing so much as read the Contents. That the Lord of the Castle of Lake-Leuin, vnderstanding, and seeing apparantly, that shee had subscribed and sealed against her will, hee would not set to his hand, as also this Resignation was most vniust, because shee had nothing hereby assigned her for her owne behoofe and entertainement, neither grant of libertie, nor assurance of life. That whosoeuer will but equally ballance things, hee cannot but iudge this, to be a weake infringement of Royall Authoritie; because, when the Queene was at libertie, in the presence of many Nobles of the Kingdome, shee declared how shee had done it out of meere constraint. And what they boast to haue effected by Act of Parliament, can no wayes preiudice her Royall prerogatiue, because in this tumultuarie Parliament, there were present but foure Earles, one Bishop, two Abbots, and sixe Barons, though aboue an hundred, betweene Earles, Bishops, and Barons, haue a voyce in the Parliament of Scotland: and yet of so small a number, some protested, that what was done, should not redound to the preiudice of the Queene [page 188] or her Successours, because shee was a prisoner. That the Ambassadours of France and England, could neuer be certified from her, though they had many times instantly vrged it, whether she voluntarily resigned ouer the Kingdome or no. And so farre the Common-wealth hath beene from beeing iustly gouerned, vnder the vsurping Vice-Roy; that on the contrary, all manner of impieties neuer bare a greater sway: for hee hath beene seene to demolish sacred buildings, to ruine illustrious Families, and to afflict and grinde the faces of the miserable poore. And therefore, they humbly entreated the Queens Maiestie of England, to be assisting with her best fauour, counsell, and ayde, to the Queene her neere Kinsewoman, so lamentably opprest. Thus farre I copied out of the proper Writings of the Commissioners. These matters thus heard, the Commissioners enioyning Murray to produce and proue with more solid reasons, the occasion of so strange a rigour vs'd to an absolute Queene, because all formerly alledged, had no pregnant testimonies, but only ambiguous and improbable Letters: and Lidington hauing priuily made known, that he himself had often counterfaited the Qu. [Note: Murray refuseth to yeeld an account of the Queenes deposition. ] hand: Murray would no further prosecute before strangers, the accusation he had framed against his Sister, except the Queene of England promised of her part, to take vpon her the Protection of the Infant King, and wholly abandon the Queene of Scots. But the Deputies, by vertue of their Delegation, hauing no authoritie to promise any such matter, two on both parts were sent vp to London; to whom Queene ELIZABETH made knowne, that shee could not yet discharge the Subiects of Scotland of the offence they had committed against their Princesse, but notwithstanding, that shee would request her in their behalfe, and also heare them, if they could [page 189] alledge any thing for their iust excuse. Earle Murray, who presently followed them, absolutely refused to insist by Accusation against his Sister, [Note: Authoritie of the Commissioners reuokt. ] but vpon the conditions hee had mentioned at Yorke. The Commissioners were presently called home, and their authority disanulled; whereof, the Duke, who alwayes fauoured the Queene of Scots, was very glad, and thought he had nothing more then to effect, but only to brand her with an eternall infamy, [Note: The Duke of Norfolke glad. ] to exclude her, with her young Sonne, from all right of succession to the Crowne of England, and that hee had auoided two dangers: for, in giuing sentence against her, he feared to ruine her, and violate his owne conscience; and denouncing Iudgement on her side, to vndergoe the vnplacable wrath of his owne Queene, and of all those, who, for Religions sake, and any other consideration, were opposite to the Queene of Scots. But when Earle Murray saw, that the friends shee retained in Scotland, disturbed all affaires, and that his presence was requisite, he framed his Accusation in the presence of the Queene, Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the great Seale, the Earle of Leicester, Clynton, Lord Admirall, Cecill, and Sadler, who by new letters were constituted new Commissioners; [Note: New Commissioners granted. ] and to proue the Queen of Scots culpable of her Husbands murder, hee produced some probable and coniecturall Articles, the Depositions of some Witnesses, the Acts digested in the Assemblies of the States, but aboue all, certaine Loue-Letters and verses, written (as hee affirmed) with the Queenes own hand: as also he brought foorth Buchanan's Booke, entituled, [The Discouery] to be openly read: but the greater number of the Commissioners gaue not much credit thereunto, it proceeding from a partiall man, and one that had made sale of his fidelity. As for the Verses and Letters, because they had no names, subscriptions, nor dates, and so many Impostors there be, who can counterfait others hands so naturally, as the one [page 190] can hardly be discerned from the other, Queene ELIZABETH would in no wise affoord them beliefe or credit, though shee were much instigated out of feminine emulation, wherewith that Sex is many times violently transported: remaining satisfied, that these Accusations had imposed vpon the Queene of Scots some reprochfull Aspersions. Her Deputies hearing that shee was dayly accused by Murray, presented themselues to make answere; but shee had now reuoked their authority, which was but Delegatorie, as shee had beene secretly informed by certaine English Ciuilians; and this shee might doe by Law, seeing that of the Duke and others had beene so formerly reuoked. Afterwards shee peremptorily refused the new Commissioners, [Note: The Queene of Scots, wil not submit her cause to their hearing. ] two of whom shee suspected, except the Ambassadours of France and Spaine were ioyned in commission with them, that shee might be admitted to defend her own innocency openly in the presence of the Queen of England and them, except Murray were restrained, &tc called to a Triall: auerring how she could conuince him, and proue that he was the author of the Lord Darleys murder. The Duke of Norfolke, [Note: But vpon certaine conditions. ] the Earles of Arundel, Sussex, Leicester, and Lincolne, esteeming this to be but iust and equall, Qu. ELIZABETH grew into wonderfull choller, and told them openly, that the Queen of Scots could neuer want an Aduocate, till the Duke of Norfolke came short of his life; and shee was contented to impart those crimes, whereof Murray imputed her, to euery one of her priuy Councell, and to the Earles of Northumberland, Westmerland, Shrewsbury, Worcester, Huntington, and Warwicke, whom shee conuocated to this end, vnder an oath of silence exhibited, not to damnifie either of the parties. And because Murray was called backe into Scotland, and 'twas commonly bruted abroad, [Note: The Proceedings dissolued. ] that Boyd attempted to release the Queen of Scots of her imprisonment, this Proceeding was deferr'd to some other [page 191] time, Queene ELIZABETH, so farre as seem'd probable, sharply reprehending the insolency of the Scottish-men, in deposing their Queene. At that time, Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut, [Note: Debate about the Gouernment of Scotland. ] came out of France, sent vnder-hand by the Guizes, to oppose Murray in the gouernment and administrations of the Kingdome during the yong King's minority, and maintayned before Queene ELIZABETH, that beeing neerest of blood to the King, he should be preferred before Murray, who was but a Bastard. Contrariwise, Murray, and the Kings Ambassadors alleadged, that the gouernment of the Kingdome was not to bee assigned alwaies to those neerest of blood, but to such, who by a generall consent of the States, were elected and chosen, as most sufficient and capable of that Charge. That it were a most vniust course, to put the King, who was young, into his hands, who by proximity of blood aspiring to the Kingdome, might easily be tempted to violate right, out of a desire to rule and reigne. And how this was greatly to be feared, especially of the Hamiltons, who had practised many enmities against the Earles of Lenox, the Kings Grandfathers, wickedly slaine his great Grandfather by the Fathers side, expell'd Mathew, his Grandfather out of Scotland, after he had reduced him to low pouerty; and also of himselfe, who made this motion, who with bitter and implacable hatred, wonderfully molested Henry, the Kings Father, and, the more easily to enioy the Kingdome, he married his Maiesties Mother with the King of France. The which when Queen ELIZABETH vnderstood, shee made knowne to Hamilton, how his demand was most vniust, and forbade him to depart out of England, till Earle Murray were returned into Scotland. Murray, a little before his departure, was so subtill, as that secretly by his man Meluin, he offered the Duke of Norfolk to marry with the Queene of Scots, and her he promised to re-establish in her Kingdome, as presently we will declare. [page 192] Notwithstanding, to conceale it from Queene ELIZABETH, he caus'd a rumor to be spred, that shee had made ouer her claime of the Kingdome of England, to the Duke of Aniou, [Note: Murray offers to marry the Duke of Norfolke to the Qu. of Scots. He disperseth rumors against her.] and how this alienation was confirmed at Rome: he shewed certaine Letters shee had written to those of her partie, wherein shee blamed Queene ELIZABETH for fayling of her promise, and vaunted, that shee expected succours otherwise then from her. Whether these reports were true or fained, I am not able to say: But certainely, Queene ELIZABETH was much moued herewith, who could not imagine from whom she should attend these new reliefes, because ciuill warre was so hotly kindled in France, as the Bishop of Rhemes, sent by the King, entreated her that she would not haue any hand in those affaires, and the Duke of Alua, who was come the yeere before into the Low-Countries to supplant the Protestant Religion, staid still there, by reason of the troubles. But as afterward it proou'd apparant, and as H. Catene writ to Cardinall Alexandrine, Pope Pius 5. not daring to send an open Nuncio, had suborn'd R. Ridolpho, a Florentine, who had lyen a long time Factor in London, vnderhand to stir vp the Papists against Queen ELIZABETH, as questionlesse he very industriously performed, and with great secresie. A slender, but maruelous weake suspition was rais'd of some priuie conferences were held at Yorke, betweene the Earle of Lidington, [Note: The Duke of Norfolke suspected. ] the Bishop of Rosse, and the Duke of Norfolke, who being sollicited to employ his aduice and care for the safety of the afflicted Queen, by the Earle and the Bishop, who promised to marry him to her; with a modest answere he made refusall thereof, promising neuerthelesse, that hee would not forsake her in her aduersities, so far as might safely stand with his honour, and the dutie and fidelity he ought to his Prince. This suspicion was greatly augmented by meanes of Ligan, one of the Dukes seruants, being a great Papist, by reason of the daily [page 193] goings and commings he made to Bolton Castle, which belonged to my Lord Scroope, where the Queene of Scots was kept by Francis Knowles, vnder colour to visit and salute his wife, who was the Dukes Sister. And though nothing was yet certainely knowne, neuerthelesse the Queene was remooued from Bolton, where a number of Papists dwelt neere together on all sides, to be conducted to Tudberry, situated in the heart of the Kingdome, and was committed to the keeping of the Earle of Shrewsburie. Queene ELIZABETH was then the more carefull, both of her owne, and of the safety of Religion and the Common-wealth, because the Guizes in France, and the Duke of Alua in the Low-Countries, had begun to put in execution those Dessignes they proiected formerly at Bayon, touching the vtter extirpation of the Protestants Religion. For the Propositions of Peace, set downe in France about the beginning of this yeere, came to nothing: For Edicts were publisht, whereby the exercise of the Protestant Religion was absolutely prohibited; they that made profession thereof, depriued of their publike places; the Ministers commanded to depart the Realme within a prefixt time; they were threatned with warre all ouer, runne vpon in euery place, and cruelties practised against them: [Note: The third Ciuill-war in France. ] though Queene ELIZABETH vsed many and importunate intreaties by her Ambassadour Seris, to bring them to a firme and solid Peace, perswading the King not to excite mens stomacks by vnseasonable courses, and that he should take heed of them, who by remouing from about him his faithfull Subiects, laboured so to breake and dis-vnite the Forces of France, that it might be exposed as a prey to other Nations. When he made no account of her Entreaties or Remonstrances, and forbare not to draw out of Italy, Germany, and Spaine, both money and men; to re-enforce Queene ELIZABETH also, not to abandon them who ioyned with her in one and the same cause, she sent [page 194] an hundred thousand Crownes, in pieces of gold, cald Angels, with great warlike preparations, to the Protestants, who then professed religiously, that they tooke not vp Armes to make warre vpon the King, but onely to defend themselues; and shee with all humanity entertain'd the French that made their refuge into England, as also the Flemmings, who seeing that the Duke of Alua breathed nothing but blood and slaughter, were in great multitudes retired thither, as to an Asyle, and planted by permission, both at Norwich, Glocester, Sandwich, Maidstone, and Southhampton, to the singular benefit (certainely) of England: For they were the first that brought in the Art and knowledge of making those light Stuffes which are called Bayes and Sayes, [Note: Who did good to England. ] with other such like of linnen and woolen. But because I must often commemorate the warres of Flanders, as linkt and combin'd with the interest &tc affaires of England, I shall not digresse much from my purpose, if I heere relate how they tooke their beginning. [Note: The beginning of the Wars in the Low countries. ] When the Spaniard would by no prayers nor intreaties mitigate his bloody Edicts against Religion, and those who made profession thereof in the Low-Countries, but in stead thereof exercised all manner of cruelty against mens consciences, by the meanes of the Spanish Inquisition, prohibited all the Assemblies of the States Prouinciall of the Low-Countries, which is the onely and most vsuall remedy for the appeasing and according of their differences: but gouerned the Common-Wealth by Acts digested in Spaine, and not by the Councels of the people of the same Countreys; it so happened, that a few of the very scumme of the Vulgar sort, tooke certaine Images in euery place out of the Churches, and tumultuously brake them in pieces, and though this Tumult was as soone appeased as excited, yet following their counsell who desired to impose a yoke on this Nation strongly bent to liberty, and taking occasion [page 195] from the temerity of some few particulars, he entoyled all the people with a publike Delict of manifest Rebellion; and as if they had then lost all their liberty; to inuade the Gouernment, he sent Ferdinando Aluarez, Duke of Alua, [Note: The Duke of Alua. ] a cruell and bloody man, who beeing constituted supreme Gouernour, contrary to the ancient customes and immunities of the Countrie, though hee was in no sort a Prince of Blood, rais'd a long and fearefull Warre, abridging the Authority of former Iurisdictions, erecting new Tribunals, condemning the Nobility of the Country, by the ministery and prosecution of such as were not their Iudges, putting them to death, placing Spanish Garrisons in the Borroughs and Townes, building Citadels, and for each alienation and commotion, drawing by force out of their purses, the tenth part of their immouables, and the twentieth part of their mouable goods. At the very selfe-same time it happened, [Note: Moneys sent into the low-Countries detained in England. ] that certaine Marchants of Genoa and other parts of Italy, sent out of Spaine into Flanders, a quantity of coine, to haue it put out to vse, in a great Ship of Biscay, and foure lesse, which the Spaniards tearme Zabres, which beeing chased by Chasteler, a French-man, and defended by Winter, an English-man, had much adoe to saue themselues, in the Ports of Plimouth, Fawmouth, and Southhampton in England. So soone as the Queene was aduertised of it, she commanded all the Magistrates of those Ports, to vse the Spaniards very kindly, and to defend their Shipping from the French: and G.D'espes, Knight of the Order of Calatraua, Ambassadour Leager of the King of Spaine in England, fearing the French, obtayned of the Queene, who thought verily that this money had belonged to the Spaniard, that new Mandates might bee sent downe, for the defence of these ships against the French, who lay in wayte for them: and afterwards hee vsed the meanes to haue this money brought into England, and from thence to Antwerpe by Sea. But in the meane [page 196] while the French had almost taken away one of the Ships, which had bin perform'd, but that they were repell'd by the English: And therefore it was thought expedient to land it, for better security, which was done out of hand. But notwithstanding it was not all brought on shore: for D' Espes supposing the Queenes intention to be other then is was, gaue the D. of Alua to vnderstand, how she had seized vpon it. While he was in Consultation with him, Odet de Chastillon Cardinall; who was retired into those parts by reason of the troubles in France, certified the Queene, that this money belonged to certaine Marchants of Gen[...]a, and not to the Spaniard, and that hee would seize on it against their wils, to employ it to the ruine of the Protestants. And this was the reason the Councell made a question whether they should detaine it or no; and the greatest of them that sate in Councell were of opinion, that it should bee sent into the Low-Countries, for feare of prouoking the Spaniard, who was a great Prince, and stood already but hardly affected to England. But Queene ELIZABETH, beeing assured by two of them to whom it belonged, that the Marchants were onely interessed in it, the King of Spaine nothing at all, she resolued to take it vp of the Marchants by way of loane, and giue them caution for it, as Princes many times vse to doe with such goods as they find in their Ports, and the Spaniard, not long before, had done the like. And when the Spanish Ambassadour shewed her the Letters the Duke writ vnto her, for the transportation of this money, she told him, she had taken it by loane, and religiously protested to restore it againe, [Note: The English mens goods detained and seized vpon in the Low-Countries. ] so soone as she should truely vnderstand that it belonged to the King of Spaine. The very same day, which was the twentie ninth of December, the Duke, in hot rage and furie, seiz'd on the English-mens goods, all the Low-Countries ouer, where he found any, and taking their persons prisoners, committed them to the guard of his Souldiers. So that euery one may conceiue, by comparing [page 197] the times, that he did this to terrifie the English, what satisfaction soeuer the Queene gaue afterwards for the money. But her Maiestie, nothing at all daunted with this, [Note: The like done to the Flemmings in England. ] commanded likewise the Flemmings goods to be seyzed vpon in England, their merchandize and shipping, which was much more than those of the English, that the Duke light vpon in Flanders: so as he repented too late, that hee had vnseasonably enlarged that wound, which in the beginning might easily haue beene cured. The last day but one of this present yeere, [Note: The death of Roger Askham. ] (pardon mee this short digression, for the memories sake of an honest and vertuous man) who beeing borne in the Countie of Yorke, and brought vp at Cambridge, was the first of our Nation that refined the Greeke and Latine Tongues, and the puritie of the Stile, with singular commendation for his eloquence. Hee was sometimes a Reader to Queene ELIZABETH, and her Secretarie for the Latine Tongue. And yet notwithstanding, in that he was giuen to play, and Cock-fighting, he both liued and dyed not very rich, leauing behinde him two elegant Bookes, as monuments of his rare wit and vnderstanding, one of which was styled, Toxophilus; the other, Scholarca. But let vs returne to our Historie.
[Note: Booke 1. 1569. ] THE TWELFTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1569.[Note: A Proclamation touching goods detained. ] THe sixth of Ianuary, there was a Proclamation publiquely read in London, concerning goods detayned by the Duke of Alua, wherein most of the circumstances I formerly mentioned were exprest, and the fault laide vpon D'espes; and another Writing diuulged by him to the contrary, in which hee alledged, [Note: Another declaration against the former Proclamation. ] That this Proclamation came not out by the Queenes Order, but from the authority of some disaffected to the King of Spaine, in the behalfe of the Flemmish Rebels: he highly commended the fauour that the Queene had alwaies beene [page 199] ready to shew to the Spaniards, grieued that shee was alienated in her affection for nothing, and much stomacked that no more credit was giuen to him being Ambassadour, and to the Duke of Aluae's Letters; as also, hee wondred the Money was detained, considering the Queene, (as hee said) had more reason to furnish the Spaniard with money against the Rebels, than to take any from him: and finally, taxed her with offering the first wrong, excused both himselfe, and the Duke of Alua's proceedings, and not resting there, he spred abroad infamous Libels, wherein hee offended the Queenes reputation, vnder the title of Amadis Oriana. Some great men of England, [Note: Practices against Cecil. ] among whom was the Marquis of Winchester, the Duke of Norfolke, and the Earles of Arundell, Northumberland, Westmerland, Pembroke, Leycester, and others, laboured to lay the blame of this detention of the Money, vpon Cecill, as formerly they did that which was sent to the Protestants in France; and in effect, they did so: for they could not digest the great power and authority he had about the Queene: they suspected he fauoured the House of Suffolke for the succession to the Crowne, and feared hee would oppose himselfe to their designes. Wherefore, they consulted one with another to imprison him, at the suggestion of Throgmorton, his emulator, who gaue them to vnderstand, that if hee were but once clapt vp, he might easily be ruinated. But some one, whom I cannot name, discouered this proiect to the Queene; and Cecill, by the fauour of this Princesse, who bare a very great liking and affection to him, without any difficultie, ouercame those plots that were prepared for him, and at the same instant, cut off another more secret intention they had, which was, to proclaime the Queene of Scots, vndoubted next Heire apparant to the Kingdome, after Queene ELIZABETHS death, against a certaine Libell that was written, and published, in the [page 200] behalfe and fauour of the Earle of Suffolke. D'Assonuil came at that time from the Duke of Alua, to demand the money which was detained; [Note: The money detayned in England, is demanded. ] but, hauing no Letters to that effect from the King of Spaine, Queene ELIZABETH referred him to her Councell, to whom, at first hee was not willing to addresse himselfe. Wherefore he went presently to them: and when he was heard, about a moneth after hee returned, without doing any thing in the businesse. [Note: Free traffique established at Hamborrough for the English. ] The English Merchants carry their Merchandizes to Hamborrough in Germanie, as to a place lately ordayned for free traffique. The Duke of Alua perceiuing this, prohibited absolutely all commerce with the English, and keeping all things from being imported or transported out of the Low Countries, hee suborned certaine Spies, amongst whom, [Note: Doctor Story taken. ] one Iohn Storie, a Doctor of the Ciuill Law, was very subtilly industrious, who before, had practised with Prinstal, an impostorous Magician, against the life of his owne Prince, and sent aduertisements to the Duke of Alua, for the inuading of his owne Countrey. But, being purposely brought into a Ship, which was reported to haue brought heretical commodities and bookes out of England, the Marriners presently setting sayle, hee was thither conueyed, and afterwards executed, as shall be declared in proper place. [Note: The Duke of Alua enraged against the English. ] The Duke of Alua not satisfied with this, prohibited all shipping to goe out of Flanders, who were not armed, and he commanded them to seyze on the English, wheresoeuer they met them: and gaue directions that the like should be done in Spaine; where, the English Merchants and Saylors goods were confiscated, themselues put into the Inquisition, and condemned to the Gallies. The Spaniard also, by Letters written to the Count De Mont-Agond, Gouernour of Boetia, forbade the transportation of Oyle, Allum, Sucker, Aromatiques, and all other such like [page 201] things, into England, supposing, that if the English wanted these things, they would readily rebell: and so vpon this, he likewise treated with the Duke of Norfolke, and the Earle of Ormond, by secret messengers, to the end the latter might hold the Queene play in Ireland, and the former in England. But they freely discouered his motions, out of the fidelity and loyalty they bare to the Queene. When the inhabitants of the coasts of England heard of these things, it is incredible to see with what ioy they made our to Sea, and how resolutely they put in execution their Letters of Mart against the Spaniards: so that, to depresse them, Proclamations were faine to be published, [Note: Men of war called in. ] prohibiting the buying of any Merchandize of such as came by it by way of reprizall. As the English men were denyed traffique in the Low Countries, [Note: Traffique of Russia hindred. ] so were they no lesse debarred the same in Russia, as well through the false dealing of Factors, and bad intelligence that past betweene them, as out of the enuy of the Germanes and Russians: the Russians complaining of fraudulent commodities, and that the price of Merchandizes was enhaunsed; and the Germanes, of their monopoly and societie. To remedy these euils, Thomas Randolph was sent thither the yeere before, who, (though with no liking to the Emperour of Russia, because, whereas hee should haue treated of the amity hee desired to entertaine with Queene ELIZABETH, whereof wee spake in the yeere 1567. hee onely employed himselfe carefully in the matter of traffique,) neuerthelesse obtayned so much by his sollicitations, that the Emperour, for the singular good will he bare to the Queene, and the English nation, granted to the Company of English residing in Russia, immunities from customes, with Commission to sell their commodities ouer all the Countrey where they would, within the extent of his Empire, [Note: Liberties of the English in Russia. ] which is ample and large, and to transport them into Persia and Media, [page 202] by the Caspian Sea, though Merchants of other Nations were permitted to goe no further than a mile beyond the Citie of Mosco: hee allotted them houses to winde and twist their Ship-tacklings, with Wood for their yron-workes: and he receiued the English for OPPRISM[...]Y; that is to say, the elect seed, and choyce of his people. [Note: Their traffique into Russia: ] Wherefore, they began to trauell more confidently ouer all those Countries, and to transport their commodities to Vologda vpon the Dwine, in Vessels made of one entire peice, drawne by force of arme, against the current of the water, by an handiworke gouerned with Oares, and long Piles: &tc from thence to Yeraslaue, which is ten daies iourney by Land: afterwards into Germanie, for 30. dayes and nights trauell, downe the riuer of Volga, which is about a mile in breadth, and runnes along a clay soyle, set with Oakes and Bouleaux: [Note: And into Persia, by the Caspian Sea. ] and when they had built Boats, they oftentimes crossed the Astracane, and the Caspian Sea, that in many places may be waded ouer, and so by the Defarts of Hercania, and Bactriana, they came to the Teueres and Casbine Cities of Persia, out of an assured confidence they should at last open a way and passage to Cathay. But, the warres that suddenly grew betweene the Turkes and Persians, and frequent robberies of the Barbarians, cut off this commendable designe of the London Merchants: and, as for the Emperour, he sent backe Randolph with gifts and presents, and with him An. Gregoritzki, an Ambassadour, in very honourable equipage certainely for the custome of that Countrey, who was receiued of the Londoners with great festiuities, and of the Queenes Maiestie with much honour. [Note: A Russian Ambassador in England. ] This Ambassadour exhibited a formall Writing in the Russian Tongue, and required, that the alliance and amitie might be confirmed in his presence, in the same termes, &tc a secret Letter which hee propounded, translated into the Russian Tongue, with all the Letters subscribed with the [page 203] Queenes Hand, and sealed with her Seale; and that shee should likewise send an Ambassadour into Russia, reciprocally to receiue from the hand of the Emperour, priuy Letters, written in the same words, which in his presence should be sealed with his Seale, and confirmed with a kissing of the Crosse. The Queene agreed to this Alliance, reseruing onely this Clause: So farre as that formerly contracted with other Princes, might permit. That they might so ayde one another against their common enemies, [Note: Alliance of Russia. ] that nothing be performed vniust or vnlawfull: and, by the word of a Christian Princesse, in the presence of the Ambassadour, and the most honoured of her Priuy-Councell, shee promised inuiolably, whereof likewise hee had Letters sealed with her owne Priuy-Seale; that if accidentally eyther by his owne Subiects or strangers, he brought to such a poynt, as to forsake his Countrey, she would receiue and entertaine both himselfe and his children, with al the honour befitting so great a Prince; shee would assigne him a peculiar place for his residence, permit him freely to exercise his Religion, and to depart at his pleasure. For these things hee earnestly required in his secret Letters. But this was so far from satisfying this harsh-natur'd and sauage man, who held for all right and Law, meerely his will &tc pleasure: that he, by numerating and setting out at large, by Letters, the sundry benefits and good deedes which hee had done to the English Nation, [Note: The Emperour of Muscouia, and of Russia, is irritated and inflamed against the English. ] and reproaching them with such fauours and friendships, growes angry, and is irritated against Queene ELIZABETH, for not sending an Ambassadour, with his, to take the Oath; blames her Maiestie, that shee made no greater account of her selfe; saying, shee was ouer-much giuen to Merchants affaires, (as much vnworthy to be so much respected [page 204] of a Prince) and suspecting the Marchants to be opposite to his designe, as being ouer-base, vpbraided them in contemptible, despitefull and iniurious manner, as sordid people, who respect their owne profit and priuate gaine, more then the Honour and credit of their Soueraignes, threatning them in a most barbarous manner, to suppresse and abolish all former Priuiledges by him granted to them. Which neuerthelesse hee effected not, beeing moderated and appeased by the courteous and kind Letters that Qu. ELIZABETH wrote vnto him, which were sent by Ienkinson: he shewed himselfe all his life time most diligent and carefull to please her Maiestie, cherishing and honouring her as a Sister, often vrging her to confirme more straitely and firmely that Alliance, and lou'd singularly the English, far aboue all other Nations. Murray had then procured a safe returne into Scotland, propounding vnto the Queene herselfe and the Duke of Norfolke, and the rest of her friends in England, her re-establishment in the Kingdome of Scotland, who to that end had hindred and kept in awe the Scots who sought to kill him, [Note: Murray appeased the friends of the Queene of Scotland. ] by straitely charging and prohibiting, not to hinder his comming. Being first arriued in Edenborough, he summon'd all such Nobles as fauoured the Queene, vnder pretence and colour to consult with them about her re-establishment. But the Lord Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut, (then made Lieutenant of Scotland by the Queene) and the Baron of Heris, were perswaded by the Letters of the credulous Qu. But Murray, fearing to be deceiued by them, circumuents them, and claps them vp in prison, not expecting the comming of others, [Note: Rumors spred through-out Scotland against Murray. ] and pursued grieuously, in oppressing all the fauourers of the Queene with all the rigors of Warre. This Act produceth rumours through all Scotland, That Murray had agreed and determined with Qu. ELIZABETH that the young King IAMES should be giuen her to be [page 205] brought vp, and educated in England; and that the Castles of Edenborrough &tc Sterling, were to be fortified with English Garrisons, Dunbriton also taken by force for the vse and profit of the English, and Murray be publisht and declar'd true and lawfull Successour of the Kingdome of Scotland, if the King should happen to dye without Issue, and to hold the Kingdome, as Tenent to Queene ELIZABETH. These rumours increased, ran, and were divulg'd in this manner, and through a certaine probability, strook in such fashion, the spirits of men all ouer Great Brittaine, that Qu. ELIZABETH thought herselfe obliged to take away and clense all such spots, both for her honour, [Note: Queene Elizabeth is diligent, and endeuours to quench such false rumors. ] and Murray's sake. To which end, her Maiestie declar'd by a Royall Speech, published and set forth in Print, That these things were farre opposite to the Truth, and meerely forged and inuented by such as enuyed the Peace and tranquillitie of both Kingdomes. That since the last departure of Murray from England, there was not any such thing propounded, nor such Paction past, either by word of mouth, or writing, betweene her Maiesty, or any of her Officers and him, that came to her knowledge. But that the Earle of Lenox, Grandfather to the yong King, had prayed her Maiesty that he might be sent into England, if hee could not bee secure in Scotland from the plots of the wicked. Likewise her Maiestie affirmed, that she held the Compact as false, which was reported to bee betweene Murray and the Earle of Hartford, to wit, that they had both agreed and resolued together, mutually to helpe and giue assistance one to another, for to enioy the Crowne of both Kingdomes: and to conclude, that it was not her fault, that the affaires and businesses were not ended betweene the Queene of Scotland and her Sonne; but rather she still endeuoured that it might be finisht: and though her Maiesty was in a conflict, through feare and inueterate emulation, which neuer dyes betweene Femall Princesses, yet out of the remembrance [page 206] and recordation of the misery of Scotland, and the commiseration of humane frailety, she sincerely laboured to effect it. The Queene of Scots made an addition to that her pious pitty, and sollicited her with many kind Letters, in which she solemnly protested, that in regard of the kindnesse she had found, and the propinquity of their affinity, she would attempt nothing against her, neither be willing to owe restitution to any other Prince for her re-establishment. This caus'd Queene ELIZABETH, by Letters sent by Wood, to deale with Murray and other Scots, for her re-establishment to her Royall Dignity; [Note: She deales by Letters concerning her restoring. ] or if that could not be granted, that shee might bee permitted to leade a priuate life, and spend her daies at home freely and honourably; which notwithstanding could not any wayes moue Murray, hauing brought his busines to perfection. There was a rumor at this time, amongst those of better sort, that the Duke of Norfolke should be linked in Hymens bonds with the Queene of Scots, the which was desired of many, the Papists expecting by it the aduancement of their religion, &tc others hoping by that meanes for the welfare of the Common-wealth. Truely, many which saw the Queene remote and farre from marriage, and the forraigne Princes, which were deadly professors to England, did settle their eyes and hearts vpon the Queene of Scots, as the true and vndoubted heire of England; they esteem'd, (for to ground their rest and tranquillity, and to keep thereby the Queene of Scotland within the bounds and limits of her Kingdome) it was much more behoofefull and expedient that she should be married with the Duke of Norfolke, who was the most Noble, and the greatest Peere of England, beloued of the people, educated and brought vp in the Protestants Religion, then to a forraigne Prince, by whose meanes both Kingdomes should be in danger, and the hereditary succession by him apprehended, which they [page 207] had alwayes and from the beginning wisht to be re-vnited in an English Prince of the blood, the yong King of Scotland happening to dye, whom they propounded to send into England, to the end, that as he was the true apparent heire thereof, and being educated and brought vp there by the English, he should be to them dearer and more beloued, all scruple of Religion taken away, and Queene ELIZABETH hauing him in her power, were free from all feare and apprehension, both of the Duke of Norfolke, and the Queene of Scots. Moreouer, lest the Duke should attempt any thing against her, but should more dearely affect her, they resolued, that Margaret, the only Daughter of the Duke, should bee marryed afterward to the young King of Scotland. Amongst these were the Earles of Northumberland, Westmerland, Sussex, Pembroke, Southampton, and many other Barons: and Leicester himselfe, (it being doubtfull whether aiming &tc intending the destruction of the Duke) thought it fit, first to acquaint the Queene with it, and to commit it to her iudgement &tc censure, and that she should prescribe and make wholsome Lawes, salutiferous to her selfe, Religion, and the Kingdome. But this, if you please, you may haue written more at large, in the Dukes Confession, and the Commentaries of the Bishop of Rosse, which was a great part of this businesse. When as the Deputies and Arbitrators put in trust with those affaires, had met at Yorke, Lidington, [Note: The first mention of of this marriage. ] and the Bishop of Rosse, in their Enquirie, acquainted the Duke with the intended Contract, as Murray himselfe did also at Hampton Court: who in his priuate conference with the Duke and some others, dissembled, [Note: Murray's proposition to the Duke of Norfolke. ] and did seeme that he desired and wisht for nothing more, then that all differences being ended in Scotland, shee might be restored to her former Dignities, prouided that she should truely and heartily affect her Subiects, as she had done formerly, all iniuries on both sides beeing forgotten, forgiuen, and buryed in obliuion. [page 208] Notwithstanding hee feared, that if (as shee desired) shee should marry a man out of France, Spaine, or Austria, shee would reuenge her former iniuries, make an alteration of Religion in Scotland, and much damnifie the State of England. To preuent all which, he promised his assistance and best endeuours, that she, who formerly had beene married to a Child, an improuident young man, nay more, a furious young man, should now be contracted to the Duke, a man of stayednesse &tc mature iudgement, the which would conduce (to the welfare of both Kingdomes) the peace of either Prince, and chiefly for the aduancement of Religion, since he, who was so great and worthy in Queen ELIZABETHS estimation, should make friendship betweene the Scots and the English, and might more easily perswade the Queene of Scots to the true Religion which hee had embraced. Murray also, by the meanes of Robert Meluin, imparted this closely to the Queene of Scots, and officiously promised his assistance: but the Duke answered, that he could not determine any thing of the marriage, till she could cleare her selfe from her suspected crimes, and wipe off those infamous aspersions: but Rosse notwithstanding persisted in his perswasion, and ceast not to draw him (though vnwilling) to it. [Note: Throgmortons counsell. ] Not long after, Nicholas Throgmorton met the Duke in Westminster, who professing himselfe as euery way obliged and bound to performe all dueties of obseruance, said, that he vnderstood that Leicester dealt with the Duke concerning the match twixt him and the Scots: which seemed strange, and moued admiration in him, since Leicester himselfe not long since had beaten the same bush, and gone about it, and friendly aduised the Duke, that hee should put it off to Leicester, who formerly had sought the honour of that marriage: but if that could not be done, that he should refuse it, in regard the Scots accused her of many crimes: [page 209] but Throgmorton said, that hee wisht that shee might bee ioyned to him in marriage, that it might be prosperous to Religion, and that she might wholly and soly depend and rely vpon Queene ELIZABETH. But I doe premonish you, that if you proceede in this matter, Leicester may precede and goe afore you in counsell: for by your owne meanes onely you cannot procure the assent and good will of the Queene. Two dayes after, [Note: Propositions of the match, made by Leicester to the Duke. ] the Earle of Leicester propounded the affaire to the Duke, and receiued of him the answere that Throgmorton had forged and inuented afore-hand, and when it came to the crimes, he did moderate them according to the instructions and assurance that he had receiued of R. Cauendish; of whom, though suspected yet he recommended him to the Duke, to make vse of his seruice. After this, he acquaints therewith the Earle of Pembroke, who giues notice thereof to the Earle of Arundell, and they all, with Throgmorton, doe write to the Queene of Scotland, recommending vnto her Maiestie the Duke of Norfolke for her Husband, as likewise Murray had formerly done. The Duke himselfe also writes, and witnesseth his loue vnto her, offering her Maiestie louingly his humblest seruice: and from that time he still communicated vnto them all such Letters as past betwixt them. As for them, they had ordinary and familiar discourses with the Bishop of Rosse, concerning the meanes whereby they could effectuate and bring this marriage to passe; and the twentieth of May, 1558. a Proposition was made to the Queene of Scotland by Cauendish: These ensuing Articles were written by the owne hand of the Earle of Leicester: [Note: The Articles of marriage propounded to the Queene of Scotland. ] THat she should not vndertake any thing in the succession of the Kingdome of England, preiudicious to Queene ELIZABETH, or the issue her Maiestie might that haue; she should passe [page 202 (sic 210)] an offensiue and defensiue League 'twixt their two Crownes. That she should settle and firmely establish the true Protestants Religion in Scotland. That she should receiue to her mercy, all such Scots as then were against her: she should reuoke the assignation that she had giuen of the Kingdome of England, to the Duke of Aniou, [Note: She agreed them in some manner. ] and that shee should take to her Husband some of the English Nobility, and namely, the Duke of Norfolke. And they promised her, that in case her Maiestie should conclude and agree the Articles, to re-establish her anew in her Kingdome, with all possible speed as could bee, and to confirme her in the succession of the Crowne of England. The Queene of Scots accorded them presently, except that concerning the Allyance, shee excus'd her selfe, as not able to answere to it, except shee had first consulted with the French King: and concerning the assignation of the Kingdome of England, she protested that she had neuer made any, yet neuerthelesse shee would labour (if they should desire it) that the Duke of Aniou should renounce it: Admonishing them, to procure aboue all things, the will and consent of Queene ELIZABETH, for feare the affaire should turne, and be preiudiciall both to herselfe and the Duke of Nolfolke, as shee had formerly experimented in the match with the Lord Darley, priuately contracted without Queene ELIZABETHS consent. Yet they neuerthelesse esteemed fit, first to sound the will and affection of many Noble-men, who for the most part gaue their voice and consent, prouided, their Queene also to grant hers: and likewise the Kings of France and Spaine were not against it; but they onely had an apprehension of Murray: and forasmuch as he had beene the first to propound this affaire, promising to employ himselfe therein with all his might, he should bee the first now to hinder it. [page 203 (sic 211)] They yet notwithstanding were all of a mind, that Lidington, who then was lookt for, should first sound the intention and disposition of Queene ELIZABETH. In the meane while the Duke declares to the Lord Baron of Lumley, all that was done and past in this businesse; and with much adoe could hee obtaine from the Earle of Leicester, leaue to take further consultation and aduice of his other friends: he neuerthelesse made Cecill acquainted with it, the Earle of Pembroke consenting thereunto. At the same time, [Note: A dessigne to free the Qu. of Scotland. ] the Lord Dacray resolued in himselfe to steale away the Queen of Scotland, who at that time was prisoner at Winfield in the County of Derby, vnder the keeping of the Earle of Shrewsburie. The Earle of Northumberland, who was of his counsell, gaue notice thereof to the Duke of Norfolke, who forbade to doe it, fearing they went about to marry her to the Spaniard, being then vpon hope to obtaine the loue and consent of Queene ELIZABETH. The rumors and pretence of this match, [Note: Notice is giuen thereof to Queene Elizabeth. ] arriued presently to Queene ELIZABETHS eare, beeing told her by some of those craftie and curious courtizans, who smell and find out soonest the secrets of Louers. The Duke knowing it, labours with his vtmost power, to make a proposition thereof to the Queen, and to that end employed therein the Earle of Leicester, the Earle of Pembroke, and Throgmorton, putting it off, and deferring it from day to day, as if he expected a fitter time and opportunity. But Cecill seeing the said Duke perplexed in his mind, counselled him himselfe to declare the businesse to the Queene, for to take sooner away all scruple. But the Earle of Leicester, contrary to that opinion, is against it, promising him to propound the same to her Maiestie, when she should walke abroad in the fields. But whilest that hee by such sweete courtesies deferred the affaire from time to time, Queene ELIZABETH beeing at Farnham, causeth the Duke to [page 212] approch neere vnto her Table, and with a most graue and serious smile, warned him, That hee who was repos'd, and rested himselfe vpon a Cushion, should take heed, and looke to himselfe. And finally, the Earle of Leicester beeing at Tichfield, found himselfe ill, (or else he counterfaited the sicke) and being visited and graciously comforted by the Queene, [Note: The Earle of Leicester reueales the whole busines to the Queen at Tichfield. ] he was seized with such feare, that her Maiestie could easily discerne it, beholding his blood and vitall senses to shrinke in himselfe: which was the cause, that after he had asked pardon, and implored forgiuenesse with sighs and teares of the Queene, he declared vnto her all the businesse from the beginning. In that very same time, the Queen tooke the Duke aside into a Gallery, [Note: She rebukes the Duke of Norfolke. ] where she rebuked him sharpely, for hauing sought the Queen of Scotland in marriage without her leaue and permission, commanding him to free himselfe of it, for the fidelity and loyalty sake which hee ought to beare vnto his Soueraigne. The Duke most willingly promised the same, as if he had despised the match; and fear'd not to assure, that his reuennues and commings in heere in England, were not whitlesse to those of the Kingdome of Scotland, then miserably exhausted by the Warre; and that when he was in the Tenis-Court of his Palace at Norwich, he seemed in some fashion to be equall, and not inferiour to some Kings. But in a short space, this courage begunne to grow weake and flexible, discerning by the aspect and speech of the Queene, that her Maiestie was irritated against him, and that her anger rather augmented then diminished, [Note: The Duke parts from the Court without leaue. ] also that many Noble-men withdrew themselues by little &tc little from his familiarity, saluting him but with much adoe, and breaking off in haste their discourses: At this, the Duke tooke his iourney to London, without leaue, [page 213] and vpon the way, tooke his lodging at the Earle of Pembroke's house, who counselled him to be cheerefull, to hope well, and gaue him solace and consolation in his affliction. That very day, Queene ELIZABETH moued with anger, refused to set at liberty the prisoned Queene, to the Scottish Ambassadour, who implored it of her Maiestie, and commanded that she should behaue herselfe peaceably, or else she should see shortly, those vpon whom she most relyed, cut off and beheaded. Now, [Note: Cecill findes out the matter. ] when as the rumor of the match had more increased, and the fame of it was euery where diuulged, and the Ambassadour of the French King, (more by the perswasion of some English than the command of his Prince, as it afterwards appeared) did earnestly labour, and vehemently vrge, that the Queene of Scots might haue her libertie; new suspicions were generally raysed, and Cecill, who was alwaies diligently carefull, and studying for the well-fare of Religion, was desirous to finde out the matter; he dealt therefore with Sussex by Letters, who was then President of the North Countries, and a deare friend to the Duke, that if so be he vnderstood any thing concerning the Dukes marriage, he should certifie the Queene of it; what he answered, I am vncertaine. And when it appeared that the Duke had priuate conference at Hampton-Court with Murray, the Vice-Roy of Scotland, George Carie, the sonne of the Lord of Hunsden, was sent to enquire if the Duke had imparted any thing to him concerning the marriage. In the meane time, [Note: The Duke of Norfolke goes into Norfolke. ] the Duke affrighted with the false rumor of the rebellion and insurrection in the North, and being certified of Leicester, that he should be committed to prison, went into Norfolke, till his friends at Court (as they promised) had stilled the storme, and he pacified the offended minde of the Queene with submissiue supplicatiue Letters. [page 214] When hee found no comfort amongst his owne, and Heiden, Cornwallis, and other of his traine, perswaded him, that if he were guilty, should flye to the Queenes mercy, he was almost distracted with sorrow. [Note: Feare caused in the Court through Norfolke. ] In the meane time, the Court was sollicited and possest with feare, lest hee should haue made Rebellion: which if hee did, they report it was determined to cut off the Queen of Scots. But hee, out of his innate goodnesse, and a most pious conscience, had not offended against any Law of her Maiestie (that Statute made in the Reigne of HENRY the Eighth, which prohibited the marrying any of the children of the Kings Sister, Brother, or Aunt, without the consent and knowledge of the King, being abolished and nullified by EDVVARD the Sixth) and also out of a feare that they should vse the Queene of Scots more hardly, sends Letters to his friends at Court; in which, he certified that he went into the Countrey for feare of imprisonment, that through time and absence, he might finde a remedy against ill reports and defamations, which the Court was ready to intertaine: hee most submissiuely intreateth pardon, and forthwith prepareth to goe to the Court. [Note: He returnes to the Court. ] In his returne, hee being at Saint Albons, Owen, the Earle of Arundels man, was sent priuately to him from Throgmorton and Lumley, who formerly had beene in custody, aduising him, that hee should take all the blame on himselfe, and not lay any fault on Leicester or others, lest he should turne them from being friends, to enemies. There Edward Fitz-Gerald, brother to the Earle of Kildare, Lieutenant of the Pensioners, went before, drew him from thence, and brought him to Burnham, about three miles from Windsor, where the Queene was: to whom, foure dayes after, [Note: Murray discouers the businesse. ] the Abbot of Dunfermline deliuered Letters in the behalfe of Murray, importing, how the Duke had secretly treated with him in the Royall Mannor of Hampton-Court, [page 215] to procure his fauour to this marriage; on the contrary, greatly menacing him in case he did refuse. That to auoyd the dangerous practice of one Norton, who watcht to kill him, at his returne, he gaue his promise to the Duke; That the Duke assured him, neither Norton, nor any other, should attempt any thing against his life: and a little while after, being sollicited by Letters written in Cypher, to giue consent to this marriage, he gaue him to vnderstand by Boyd, that he would neuer abandon the Queene of Scots: and moreouer, how her Maiesties owne Officers had in some sort perswaded the Vice-Roy, that Queene ELIZABETH gaue also her liking and approbation to this marriage, and putting the same Queene of Scots in hope, that shee should succeed to the Kingdome of England. Renowned Queene ELIZABETH perceiuing also very euidently, that to draw some great men of England to her partie, shee gaue them expresly to vnderstand, how she was taking a course for the Queenes Maiesties securitie, and the infallible safety of the whole Kingdome. The Duke, who subtilly held correspondency by Letters with the Bishop of Rosse, Leicester, and Throgmorton, causing them to be priuily conueyed in bottles of Beere, being at the same time strictly examined about the poynt of this marriage, after his confession of the greatest part, and a bitter checke giuen him for departing the Court without leaue, and being further accused of Innouation, was sent to the Tower of London, [Note: The Duke is imprisoned. ] vnder the guard of Neuill, a Knight of the Golden Order. Two dayes after, the Bishop of Rosse was likewise examined, and Ridolph, that Florentine Councellor, of whom, both hee and others made familiar and common vse, committed in keeping to Sir Francis Walsingham: [Note: And others. ] the Earle of Pembroke commanded to betake himselfe to his House, and reserued to a priuate examination. But, by reason of his Nobility, and old age, it was agreed, that by reason himselfe could not write, [page 216] his Confession should not be taken in writing. After this, some great men were prohibited the Court, as Complices, who exhibited their petitions, and demanded pardon, when they had acknowledged, [Note: Their Complices craue pardon. ] that they were consenting with the Duke to this marriage, which Murray had formerly propounded: yet after such a manner, as the Queene of Scots, the Duke, and all the others were aduertized, how the matter was first imparted to the Queenes Maiestie of England, before any treatie of it. The Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland being Confederates in this dessigne, made in like manner their submissions to the Earle of Sussex, then Gouernour in the North parts, whom they intreated to sollicite the Queene for them. [Note: Libels against this marriage. ] Many Libels were in like manner dispersed against this marriage, the Queene of Scots, and the right and title, whereby she layde claime to the Crowne of England, as next heire apparant, with such shamelesse insolency, as the Queene resolued to send out prohibitions, by a seuere Proclamation to the contrary, and playing at hood-winke with the Bishop of Rosse, she appointed him to answere them, as hee did by another Booke, intituled, Morgan Philips, wherein hee maintained the honour of the Queene of Scots, her right of succession, and that the Kingdome might be swayed and gouerned by women, as this poynt was also called in question. But since, he ingeniously confest in his Commentaries, that his reasons he set downe, about her right of succession, he drew out of Sir Anthony Brownes bookes, chiefe Iustice of the common Pleas, and of Carrell, both very vnderstanding Gentlemen in the common Lawes of England. [Note: Chapin Vitelli comes into England, and why? ] In those daies, there came from the Duke of Alua, Chapin Vitelli, Marquis of Ceton, with Letters from the Spaniard, (who seemed to haue cleane loft his writing) vnder pretext to accord some differences about commerce, but really to obserue the issue of this rebellion, which was presently [page 217] to be raised, and to command the Souldiers priuily to march downe into Flanders, according to the Duke of Alua's promise, who likewise sent for his fore-runner, Le Mot, Gouernour of Dunkerke, apparelled like a Mariner, that he might the better discouer and found the Ports, as himselfe since hath auerred. But when it appeared, how this Marquis was onely substituted by the Duke of Alua, who was the principall partie himselfe, wherein the other was but a meere Lieutenant, a doubt was made whether they should treatie with him, as an Ambassadour. Notwithstanding all this, the Queenes Maiestie made knowne that she would acknowledge him for the Ambassadour of Spaine. But when he made shew of no further Commission, than to re-demand some moneys detained, the Queene affecting peace, aduised him to procure a larger Commission for the ordering of affaires: while hee stayd, and attended the same, the rumor of that Rebellion to be excited in the North Countrey, was daily augmented. To relate the matter more originally, there ran a great fame and brute of this Rebellion, [Note: Rebellion in the North. ] about the beginning of Autumne, which at the first being contemned, it presently strengthned and encreased, by reason of the frequent meetings of the Earles of Northumberland, Westmerland, and some others: so that the Earle of Sussex, then Gouernour, and Deputie of the North, cited them before him, and interrogated them precisely, about these reports and rumors. They could not deny, but they had heard of it, marry so, they were in no wise guiltie or culpable, with many and deepe protestations, offering to lose their liues in the Queenes seruice, against any Rebels whatsoeuer: and thus he sent them backe to their owne houses, with authoritie to enquire and search out the authors of this report, which neuerthelesse daily so augmented, as her Maiestie, conceiuing that nothing was rashly to bee credited of so great men, so commanded them by the Lord of Sussex, to [page 218] repaire presently to London, for the remouing of all suspition. Notwithstanding, my Lord of Sussex, I know not for what drift or policy, enioyned them to come and meet him, as if he meant to consult with them about some occasions of that Prouince. At the first they drew backe, but presently after, expresly refused to repaire thither. This ministred occasion to the Queenes Maiestie, to command them by peremptory Letters which shee writ, and caused to be conueyed with all expedition, that laying apart all delayes and excuses, they should incontinently appeare in her Royall presence; and this onely to terrifie and absolutely diuert them from entring into this Rebellion, or at least, that they might precipitantly vndertake the same, before they rallied their forces, or that the matter grew to any maturitie. For they relyed vpon some secret succours, which the Scots Leaguers, and the Duke of Alua were to land at the Port of Herripoole, within the Bishopricke of Dunelme, as afterwards it was manifested. So soone as the Earle of Northumberland had read these Letters, being of a tractable nature, guiltie in his owne conscience, deepely affected to the Romane Religion, and excited to choller, by reason that out of the prerogatiue Royall in Mynes, a rich Copper Myne found in his owne grounds was taken from him, wherein hee thought himselfe to be wronged: but neuerthelesse, fed with notable hopes of the Queenes clemency, hee was in a wonderfull perplexitie, whether he should flye, or openly rebell. His Friends and seruants being now prepared for a reuolt, and seeing him floating in these ambiguities, came vpon him a certaine night on a suddaine, and headlongly and continually beating into his eares, how Oswell, Vlstrop, and Vaughan, his enemies, were arriued with a troupe of armed men, ready to take him prisoner, they vrged, entreated, and coniured him, that he would not forsake himselfe, his friends, and the Religion of his fore-fathers, assuring [page 219] him, how the Catholiques were then in armes all England ouer, to re-establish the Romane Religion: and to stirre vp the multitude, they tumultuarily sounded a Larum bell in all the Countrie Townes and Villages, though 'twas not yet time to attempt any such matter. Affrighted, hee presently start out of his Bed in the Chamber, retyred to a Gallerie, which looked into a Parke neere to Topcliffe, and the night following, he went to Blanspeth, to the Earle of Westmerlands House, where many were assembled, who knew not what the matter was. For to amasse, and draw together an ignorant multitude, they commanded some to take vp armes for the Queenes defence: others were made beleeue, that all the great men of England conspired with them, to re-erect the Romane Religion: othersome they told, [Note: Pretext of the Rebels. ] how they were enforced to take vp armes, for preuention that the ancient Nobility of England might not be trampled vnder foot by late start-ups, and their Countrey yeelded as a prey to strangers. This carried them violently into a manifest Rebellion, [Note: They runne violently into a Rebellion. ] and they were the first, who disturbed the publique peace of this Kingdome, which had continued vnshaken for the terme of eleuen yeeres, vnder the happy Reigne of Queene ELIZABETH, they being boldly and powerfully incited hereunto by Nicholas Morton, a Priest, sent from the Pope, to denounce Queene ELIZABETH for an Heretike, and therefore depriued of all power and gouernement. Suddenly likewise, they diuulge by a publique Manifestation, That they tooke vp armes to no other end, [Note: Their declaration. ] but to set vp againe the Religion of their Ancestors, to remoue from about the Queenes bad Councellors, to restore the Duke and some other great Men, who were dismissed of their places and dignities, to former libertie and grace. But as for the Queenes Maiestie, they would attempt nothing against her, but vowed, that both then, and at all times, they would perseuer and continue her most obedient Subiects. [page 220] They writ also to the Papists, dispersed throughout the whole Kingdome, to ioyne their forces together. But, in stead of cohering to them, the most part sent to the Queene, [Note: They write to the Papists. ] both their Letters, and the Bearers: All the particular men of the Kingdome, and the Duke of Norfolke himselfe, both their seruice and meanes, and to be employed against them. So that, vpon this occasion, shee made a iust triall of her Subiects singular and vnspotted fidelitie, and of Gods rare clemency and protection, for which shee gaue him great and vnfaigned thankes. [Note: They rent, and tread vnder-foot the Bible. ] The Rebels went presently to Durham, the next Episcopall See, where they rent and trampled vnder foot, the sacred Bibles, and Bookes of the Liturgie, written in the English Tongue, as they light vpon them in the Churches. Afterwards, they celebrated Masse, wheresoere they went; they leuied and brought into the field many men, vnder flying colours, [Note: Their Colours. ] wherein were painted in some, the fiue wounds of our Lord; in others, the Challice of the Eucharist; Robert Norton, a venerable and graue Gentleman, who was old and bald, carried the Crosse, with the Colonell ensigne: they came by small dayes marches, to Chiffordmore, which is not farre from Wetherbie, where, making a generall muster of their Army, vpon the two and twentieth day of their Rebellion, they could make no more but sixe hundred Horse, [Note: Their number. ] and foure thousand foot: and when they heard that the Queene of Scots, (for whose releasement out of imprisoment, they had principally taken vp armes) was conducted from Tudberie, to Couentrey, a strong Citie, and committed to the guard and custodie of the Earles of Shrewsburie, and Huntington: that the Earle of Sussex of the one side of them, had raised a mightie Armie, to set vpon them: that Sir George Bowes lay at their backes, with chosen and maine troupes, and had fortified Bernard-Castell: and how the Earle of Cumberland and the Lord Scrope had manned and secured Carlile, and dayly [page 221] leuied more forces, they retired from those quarters, and returning speedily, in a manner the same way they came, they came before Rabie, which is the principall house and seate of the Earles of Westmerland; [Note: They returne. They take Bernard Castle. ] from whence departing, they straitly beleaguerd Bernard Castle, which in a short time yeelded to them for want of prouision &tc victuall, all, and Sir George Bowes, with Robert Bowes his brother, and all the Souldiers of the Garison, issued out with their Armes. They were formerly proclaimed Traitors, by sound of Trumpet. The same very day, my Lord of Sussex, accompanied with the Earle of Rutland, &tc the Lords of Hunsdon, Euers, and Willowbie of Parham, marched against them with seuen thousand men. When they saw they were come to Ackland, being terrified and daunted, they fell to flight, and fell backe toward Hexham, [Note: They fly. ] which place also leauing speedily, they crossed along by vnbeaten paths, that so they might creepe couertly vnder the hedges, and came to the Castle of Naworth; where, vnderstanding that the Earle of Warwicke and the Lord Clynton Vice-Admirall, followed close at their heeles, with twelue thousand men, drawne out of the South parts of England; the two Earles fled into the neerest parts of Scotland, with a few men, vnknowne to the rest, where the Earle of Northumberland obscured himselfe for a while, about Harclaw, in the little countrey Hamlets, amongst the Grymes, most notable Theeues, who deliuered him afterwards into the Earle of Murray's hands. The Earle of Westmerland found some meanes to hide himselfe about Carry Furnhurst, and Bucklie, and at last scapt into Flanders, with some other English in his company, where he liu'd a long, but a poore life, vpon a small Pension which the King of Spaine allowed him. The rest saued themselues, some by flight, some by lurking in holes and dennes. For example and terrour, sixe inferiour Magistrates were hanged at Durham, and others, [page 222] among which, one Plumtree a Priest, was a man of greatest note. There were formerly executed at Yorke, Digbie, Falthrope, [Note: Some are put to death. ] Bishop, and Pouenham. And certaine moneths after, Christopher and Thomas Nortons, brethren, were put to death at London, and some others in other places. [Note: The rest are banisht. ] After this, the most appara~t &tc notable Rebels, were condemned of high Treason, and banisht, as namely, the Earles of North. &tc Westm. the Countesse of North. the Daughter to the Earle of Wigorne, Edward Dacres of Morton, Iohn Neuill of Leuerserg, Io. Swineborne, Tho. Marquenfield, Egre. Ratcliffe, brother to the Earle of Sussex, Char. Neuill, Ro. Norton of Nortonconniers, Christ. Marmaduke, and Thomas of the Family of the Nortons, Ro. and Na. Tempests, George Stafford, and about some fortie others of Noble and worthie Houses, whose conuiction and banishment was confirmed by the whole house of Parliament, and pardon granted to some, who had no Estates, nor euer went out of the Kingdome. And thus the flame of this Rebellion was in a short time quencht, Chiapine Vitelli, who was priuie to it, as I told you before, openly admiring the same in the presence of her Maiestie, and many great men of the Kingdome, but (no doubt) inwardly greeuing this Rebellion was so easily and suddenly supprest, and that so his owne comming into England tooke so little effect. [Note: A new Rebellion. ] From the combustions of this Rebellion, thus couered and extinguisht, as out of the ashes of that former fire, a little flame began to kindle at Naworth in Cumberland, neere to the Valley of Seuerus, which was raised by Lau. Dacres, second sonne to Geor. Lord Dacres of Gilesland. This man, after the death of the young Lord Dacres his Nephew, because he was the sonne of his elder Brother, being angry that so large a Patrimonie should by Law discend vnto his Neeces, whom the Duke of Norfolke their Father in law had betrothed to his three sonnes, hee commenced suite against them: but perceiuing that it would [page 223] come to no prosperous issue on his side, hee secretly combin'd with the Rebels, and attempted to carry away the Queene of Scots, but all in vaine. But the Rebels being defeated sooner then he expected, and proclaimed Traitors openly, whilest himselfe lay in Court, after he had obtained the fauour to kisse the Queenes hands, hee promised to employ himselfe with his whole power against them; wherevpon he was sent home to his own house. But when he was in the way (as was discouered afterwards) hee imparted vnto them his dessignes by messengers, which renew'd their spirit and courage, making them many promises in the behalfe of diuers Ambassadours to strange Princes; and amongst others, perswading them, that with such men as he would raise in the Queenes name, he would kill the Lord Scroope, Gouernour of the West Borders, and the Bishop of Carlile. But not being able to effect it, he followed the Earles who were fled with Letters reco~mendatorie to the Scots, surprized Gristock Castle, and other houses belonging to the Dacres, fortifyed the Castle of Naworth, as if he had some right and interest in it, and vnder pretext of defending his owne goods, and opposing the Rebels, hee got together three thousand theeues of the borders, and others, who stood best affected to the Dacres, much esteemed and respected in those quarters. The Lord of Hunsdon, with the most expert Souldiers of the Garrison of Barwicke, went into the Field against them, who trusting to no fortifications, went still forward, and with an Armie rang'd in Triangular forme, and flanker'd with Horse, they attended them, neere to a little Riuer called Gelt, where (questionlesse) they had a sound fight, both for the one part and the other; and Leonard, though he was lame, came short of nothing required in a valiant and resolute Captaine. [Note: The Rebells are defeated. ] But when the greatest part of his men were slaine, he left the Victory to my Lord of Hunsdon, not greatly pleasing to him, and so retired into [page 224] the neerest places of Scotland, from whence, not long after, he crost ouer into Flanders, where hee died poore at Louaine; so that the curses imposed vpon him by his dying Father, prooued true. The Lord of Hunsdon commended the keeping of those Castles taken from the Rebells, to the Duke of Norfolks men, and the Queenes Maiestie by a publike Proclamation, granted a generall pardon to all the multitude which he had excited to Rebellion. [Note: Qu. Elizabeth lends succours to the reformed Churches in France. ] Though this Rebellion raisd many tumults and disturbances within her Kingdome, yet would not her Maiestie neglect the Protestants in France, their State beeing at that time wretched and deplorable: For the Princes of the same Religion hauing much importuned her to defend the common cause, she furnisht the Queen of Nauarre with money, vpon some Iewels and other ornaments, and permitted Hen. Champernoune, Brother by the Fathers side to Gawyn, who married the Earle of Mountgomeries Daughter, to conduct into France a Company of an hundred Noble voluntary Gentlemen, vnder one Guydon, who had written on it this Motto, La vertu me donne fin. Among whom, were Phil. Butshed, Fr. Barkley, and Gualter Raleigh, who was but yong, and tooke his first say and taste of the wars. The K. of France conceiu'd, that either to draw vp, or at least to diuert to some other employments, the great wealth of England, which was abundantly disburs'd in ayde and succour of the Protestants; he resolued to kindle a new warre against England, by assisting the Scots, who kept the Castle of Dunbriton for the Queene of Scotland. In which Seruice, Monsieur de Martigues was employed, a Souldier who then liued in the very prime of his Reputation; but he being slaine with an Harquebuzada at the siege of S. Iean d' Angeli, this Proiect vanisht, &tc tooke no effect. [page 226 (sic 225)] Ireland in those times, was no more free from Rebellion: For Ed. and Phil. Butler, brothers to the Earle of Ormond, who had iniuriously entreated their neighbours in Munster, refused to obey the Lawes, molested true Subiects with Pillories and wastel, and colleagued themselues with Ioh. Fitz-Morris of the house of Desmond, Macartimore Fitz-Edmond, Steward of Imoquell, and others who had negotiated with the Pope and the King of Spaine, to re-establish the Romane Religion in Ireland, and to suppresse Queene ELIZABETH: For which cause they were denounced Rebels against the State, and Sir Pe. Carne continually galled them with light Skirmishes, wherein Fortune was variable. Neuerthelesse, hauing made an head of many Galloglasses, they beleaguerd Kilkennie, and commanded the Inhabitants to deliuer into their hands the wife of Warham of Saint-Leiger: but being repelled by the Garrison, who issued out vpon them, they miserably forraged and wasted the whole Countrey round about. The more to excite and spread the flame of this sedition, Iohn Mendoza came secretly in the behalfe of the Spaniard; and out of England, to extinguish it, the Earle of Ormond, who perswaded his Brothers to submit themselues, who were neuerthelesse imprisoned. But the Earle obtained of the Queen, through his continuall and dayly intercession, that their Triall and Iudgement might be desired, and not be brought to the rigour of the Law, though their crimes and offences had deserued it: the which he tooke grieuously, not beeing able to endure, that at their occasion, such infamie should be vpon their most Noble and illustrious house, so neere allyed to Queene ELIZABETH, who reioyced and glorified so often, that the Nobility of that House had euer beene pure, and their blood vntainted. But the Lord Deputie pursuing liuely the remainder of that Rebellion, dissipated it in a very short space of time. Some Troubles were also moued and stirred vp in Vlster [page 226] by Turlogh-Leinich, who, through inconstancie, embraced sometimes warre, and sometimes peace; according to the headstrong desire &tc rash pleasure of his Followers, Officers and Seruants. But he was kept in awe &tc within the bounds of duety, not so much by the English Garrisons, as by the Hebrideans, who of those poore and meagre Islands, seized vpon his earthly possessions. Against whose incursions, there was sent out of England a great deale of money, to fortifie and strengthen the Sea-Coast: but in vaine, out of a misfortune, common as well to England as Ireland, where, for the most part, men intrude themselues, and are admitted into those publike places, who basely respecting their owne priuate gaine, doe neglect the publike weale, and generall commodity of the Kingdome.
The end of the First Book of the Annals and History of that mighty Empresse, Queene ELIZABETH, of most happy and blessed memory.
THE HISTORIE OF THE MOST HIGH, MIGHTY, AND Euer-glorious Empresse, ELIZABETH, Inuincible Queene of England, Ireland, &tcc. True Defendresse of the Faith, of immortall Renowne, and neuer-dying Fame and Memory. OR, ANNALLES OF ALL SVCH REMARKable things as happned during her blest Raigne ouer her Kingdomes of England and Ireland; as also such Acts as past betwixt her MAIESTY and Scotland, France, Spaine, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands. The second Booke.
Faithfully translated out of the French, and publisht in English, with the KINGS leaue and Authority, granted by his most Excellent Maiestie to ABRAHAM DARCIE.
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THE HISTORIE OF THE MOST High, Mighty, [Note: Booke 2. 1570. ] and Inuincible Princesse, Queene ELIZABETH, of most happy and neuer-dying memory: OR ANNALLES Of all the most remarkable things that happened during her blessed Raigne ouer the Kingdomes of England and Jreland, &tcc.
The 13. yeere of her Raigne, Anno 1570.REbellion being then extinct in England, the Earle of Murray, [Note: The Earle of Murray demands that the Qu. of Scotland might be put into his hands. ] Vice-roy of Scotland, with much care and policie, perswaded and industriously laboured that the Queene of Scots might bee resigned and deliuered into his hands; proffering to that effect hostages and pledges: withall, the better to incite a condiscending to this his demand, hee promised [page 234] that the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland should be immediately deliuered backe. In the meane time, he wrought with such diligence, that the Bishop of Rosse, as an Author, Fauourer, and Assister of the Rebels, was committed into the safe guard and custody of the Bishop of London. And further to oblige Queene ELIZABETH by some speciall seruice, he powerfully entred with an Armie vpon the frontier Prouinces of England, there to seeke out the English Rebells; [Note: He pursueth the English Rebells. ] but apprehending some fewe of small note, in the conclusion finds out the Earle of Northumberland (whom he found hidden and disguised among a company of Out-lawes and Fugitiues) by the meanes of his Oast that discouered him: The Vice-Roy much reioycing in his Noble Prize, sent him as Prisoner to Lake-Leuin, safely there to be kept in guard, whilest he persisting in his reuenge, with much rigour afflicted the inhabitants of those Frontier parts. But vnfortunately retyring himselfe to a Towne called Limnuch (which vulgarly passeth by the name of Lithquo) there resoluing with himselfe, after so many wearisome trauails, and excessiue iournies, to giue a quiet repose to his ouer-charged spirits; the neuer-changing doome of heauen had there set downe the period of his dayes: for, riding through the Streetes, little suspecting the disaster that attended him, [Note: The Earle of Murray is suddenly kild ] he was suddenly slaine by the stroke of a bullet vnder his nauell, sent from the fatall hand of the Lord Hamilton, who by present flight saued himselfe in France, where he remained certaine yeeres, oftentimes protesting, that the strength of his patience no longer able to hold out against the many insolent iniuries done him by the Earle, he made his owne hands the author of his owne reuenge: For the Vice-Roy knowing him to be one of the Queenes partisans, banished him, and afterwards imprisoned him, and by many threats and menaces of seuere punishment, constrained him to release to one of his Tenants, a little [page 235] Countrie Farme, which befell to him by reason of his wife that became lunaticke. These inforst him to such rage, that hauing by some strange meanes broke his prison, hee committed this murder. After this exploit, liuing in France, he was there reputed to be a very fit and ready instrument for such actions: yet could he neuer be perswaded or procured to doe the like to the Admirall Coligni; often answering, that he had himselfe taken vengeance of his owne iust griefes and iniuries (of which he repented himselfe) yet neither reward nor intreaties should any way preuaile so much with him, as to be the instrument of anothers reuenge. The rumor of this murder being straight diuulged and spred ouer Great-Britaine, there arose various opinions, [Note: Diuers opinions are had of him. ] and diuers strange iudgements vpon the same; and among other surmizes, his mothers dreame was then recalled to memory, of a Lyon and a Dragon combating in her wombe, after she had beene priuately knowne by Iames the Fifth. Diuers were the opinions and censures of most men, but especially of those of sounder iudgement and apprehension, according to their diuers affections: of some he was much commended, because he was very studious for the expelling of the Romish Recusants out of Scotland, for so carefully preseruing the King, being yet an Infant, and likewise for his great and liberall bounty to men of learning; and aboue all, to Bucchanan: on the contrary part, hee was of other-some greatly condemned, because he, vnder the colour and couerture of Religion, enricht himselfe and his friends with the spoiles of the Church; and with a most iniurious ingratitude, insulted and tyrannized ouer the imbecillity of his Sisters weake Sexe, hauing before obliged him to her by many benefits. And of these, some would presage, through their suspicious coniectures, grounded vpon the mischieuous inclination which is incident to most bastards; That that man would not spare the [page 236] Sonne, that had bereaued the Mother of her Kingdome. The Queen of Scots exprest much sorrow for him, because such a violent and vnexpected death had snatcht him away before (as she said) he had by serious repentance expiated the multiplicity of the sinnes hee had committed against God, his Countrey, and his Prince. But forasmuch as hee greatly fauoured such English as were affected to the Duke of Norfolke, hee was thought and accused to bee a faigned and dissembling Politician. [Note: The Scots &tc Rebels make incursions vpon England. ] The next succeeding night to this murder, T. Carrey of Fernihurst, and Walter a Scottish-man of Buchlui, two of the hardiest and valiantest of those Frontiers, and so much affected to the Queene of Scots, that for their deuout following of her faction and party, they suffered banishment, with the confiscation of their goods, breathing forth defiance and vengeance against the Queene of England, because the Vice-Roy in her fauour, had so cruelly afflicted the Frontier inhabitants; they violated the peace, and by force entred into England with a rout of Scottish and some English Rebells, consuming and deuasting with sword and fire, the neighbouring Countries, as though they would haue made them desolate like Desarts: whereupon T. Randolph was incontinently dispatcht into Scotland, there, in a publike Assembly of the Lords of the Realme, to giue notice of this iniurious outrage: And if by reason of the manifold troubles wherewith Scotland was at that present incumbred, they could not represse the disturbers of the Peace, the Queene would reuenge and right herselfe by force of Armes, of that insolent affront which she had receiued; without any way indamaging others, saue those that had deseruedly incurred her vengeance. To this was only answered, That as yet there was no Vice-Roy chosen or designed amongst them: Neuerthelesse, that the iniuries done to the Frontier inhabitants might bee redressed, a command was giuen to the Lord of Sussex, to leauie a competent [page 237] Armie, and march against the Lords of Buchlui and of Fernihurst, to pursue and chase with deserued rigour, onely those that with the rebellious English had ouer-run &tc pillaged those of the Frontiers. Now the Earles of Huntley and Argathel, that had all this while laboured in the behalfe of the Queene of Scots hearing of his approach, sent vnto him one Trebon, to demand a Truce, and that they might obtaine so long respit, vntill they should acquaint Queene ELIZABETH with their affaires. But they perceiuing that they could by no meanes wrest him from his dessignes, they began first to vse threatnings, thinking to deterre him, but that not preuailing, they were enforst to vse submissiue intreaties, that he would become an arbitratour for the abolishing of certaine ordinances which had beene created in Scotland, some two yeeres before. Neuerthelesse, Sussex about the midst of Aprill, [Note: The English take reuenge thereof. ] entred into Scotland with the Baron of Hunsdon, Drury, Marshall of Barwicke, and the English Armie: where they burned through the whole Countrey of Tiuisdale, the houses and villages of Buchlui and Carrey, ouerthrew and destroyed their countrey, and vtterly ruinated Fernihurst and Craling, two of the principal Forts of T. Carrey. At the same instant, the Lord Scroope likewise entred vpon the East parts of Scotland, laying desolate on euery side, through the Earledome of Anaudale, the possessions of Ionston, &tc others that had in like maner fauoured the English Rebells, such was his expedition at his first co~ming, that there were 300. houses consumed by fire, &tc 50. Forts at least laid leuell with the earth. [Note: They succoured those in Scotland that were of the Kings partie. ] A few dayes after, the Lord of Sussex entred further into Scotland, with the Baron of Hunsdon, where they besieged the Castle of Hume, which was the chiefe refuge of the English Rebels which yeelded vp as soone as the great Artillery, were planted against it. But there were found in it but two of the Rebells, which they caused presently to be hanged; and placing a Garrison in it, Drury was [page 238] forth-with commanded to batter downe Fast-Castle, which was also a prime Fortresse of the Baron of Hume, which likewise without resistance was yeelded vp. The English Rebells then retired into the heart of Scotland, associated with diuers other Rebels, there with fire and sword they threatned the Frontier inhabitants of England, and those in like manner of Scotland, that were of the Queenes partie: the Lord of Sussex againe sent forth Drury, who returned within seuen dayes with 1200. foote, and 400. horse. Drury receiued from Collingham, certaine hostages for the Earles of Angus, of Morton, of Mar, of Glencarne, and for the Barons of Reuuen, and of Lindsay, who with diuers others had recalled the English. Then Sussex himselfe, accompanied with G. Carrey, P. Manours, R. Constable, which hee had honoured with the order of Knighthood with Druray, A. Bowes, G. Knolles, T. Brichwell, R. Gam, Elrington, Carnill, with other Captaines and Commanders in the Armie, marching toward Edenborrough, ioyned his forces with those Earles, and the Duke of Lenox, then newly returned from England, who before was suspected to be of the partie with the Duke of Norfolke and the Queene of Scots. Thus marching through Limnuch towards Glasco, where the Lord of Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut had retired himselfe, and from thence towards the Castle Hamilton, [Note: They take the Castle of Hamilton. ] which, after they had mightily battered with the Cannon, and almost beaten it downe, was yeelded vp in a small space. Then were the houses of the Hamiltons, with their stately and magnificent buildings, defaced and consumed with remorcelesse fire, ransacking their demaines of Cluisdale, and at their chiefe Mannour house, situated neere Limnuch. Thus the Hamiltons with the rest, that tooke part with the deposed Queene, beeing extirpated and put to flight, the Lords of Scotland, and those of the Kings part, beeing ready to assemble about the election of a new Vice-Roy, [page 239] they sent to demand counsell of Queene ELIZABETH, who sent them this answer: That because she would not preiudicate against the Queene of Scots (her cause not as yet being iudged of) she would not intermeddle with that election. Vpon which answere, they chose Lenox first of all Inter-Roy, and presently after Vice-Roy, [Note: The Earle of Lenox is establisht Vice-Roy of Scotland. ] the Queene of England not any way gaine-saying it; because she knew well, that he was naturally addicted to loue the King his Nephew, and was also assured that he was well affected to the English by reason of the many benefits receiued from them, and would alwaies be at her deuotion, in respect that his wife remained in her power. In the meane time that the Queene thus fauoured the Kings party in Scotland, [Note: The King of Spaine giues succours against those who were of the Kings side. ] the Spaniard failed not in any point towards the imprisoned Queene; but at the motion of the Lord of Hamilton, Rector of the Church at Dunbar, sent vnder the hands of the Gouernour of Flanders, certaine prouision for warre, as a certaine quantitie of powder, with seuen Peeces of great Cannon, and some small summes of money, to the Earle of Huntley, Gouernour for the Queene in the North parts of Scotland. Wherevpon the Earle of Huntley, the Duke of Chastelraut, and the Earle of Argathell, by a common aduice and consent, with the approbation of the Queene of Scots, whose Lieutenants they were, did send this Ambasie to the Duke of Alua, by the Baron of Setone, who thus in the Dukes presence proposed his message in these termes: THat he was sent from a Realme, which, [Note: The Lord Setone his Ambassage to the Duke of Alua. ] by the treacheries of rebellious Subiects, was depriued of its publike peace, and a most gracious Princesse; and that the tenour of his Ambassie was, to demand and entreat assistance and succours, to recouer her from a miserable Captiuity, being detayned in a strange Land, and the Realme from the oppression of strangers: [page 240] That the Scottish Rebells might not be suffered to traffique in the Spanish Confines, and that there might bee deliuered to the Queene the tenne thousand Crownes that were assigned vnto her: shewing also, that shee did wholly cast her selfe into the hands of the King of Spaine, well knowing that he did alwaies harbour in his heart a sincere loue to true honour, iustice, and piety; obiects most worthy and sitting for a Catholike Prince; and employed for Intercessor the Duke D' Alua, who she knew would endeuour himselfe to accomplish his desires. That he propounded not to the King of Spaine any profit or commodity that might redound to him, beeing a thing vnworthy of so great a Maiesty, but onely offers to him from an vnfaigned heart, the perpetuall amity and humble seruice of his most Illustrious Queene, and her most warlike Countrey-men, the Scots. That the Glory of Charles the Fifth, his Father, would for euer liue eternized, for re-establishing the Duke of Ferrara, and the Mahumetan King in their first dignity. But if hee should re-establish the Queene, being a constant Professor of the true Catholique religion, and an absolute Princesse, of the consanguinity and alliance of the greatest Princes of Christendome, and an vndoubted Heire to two flourishing Kingdomes, it would bee to him an euer-liuing glory, and an incomparable argument of most Christian piety. That in so doeing, hee should not onely binde France, Denmarke, Lorraine, the Guizes, S. Peter, and all Christendome to his loue, but also make his fame equally celebrated with his Fathers, nay, euen surpasse him farre, in relieuing and reestablishing by his example, Princesses that are iniustly and treacherously deposed from their lawfull Thrones: That being himselfe the greatest Monarch in Christendome, and hauing vnder his command and obeisance farre distant Countreys, which might giue occasion [page 241] with great ease of such and so insolent arrogance, yet getting by this meanes interest in all Princes, they may with more ease be supprest; That this pernicious example of deposing Kings, was neuer left vnreuenged; That he should be a most excellent and fruitfull modell of rare Iustice, and that if he should re-establish her that flieth and sueth to him for succour, hee should tye in most fast bands of Amity and Alliance to himselfe, a Queene Dowager of France, absolute of Scotland, and most certaine Heire to England; with her the Scottish Nation, which since Charles the Great, haue manifested themselues to all the world most firme, constant, and faithfull in their Alliance with France. And furthermore, that now occasion was offered him, to reuenge the many iniuries which hee had receiued from the Queene of England, that aideth and fauoureth the Rebels of the Netherlands, that hath vniustly seized vpon his Coine, and the goods of his Subiects, and also euill-intreated and abused his Ambassadours. That to sit still any longer, and see the Scottish Nation fall vnder the subiection of the English, would be a lazie slumber, and absurd sottishnes. That through the increase of power and domesticke strength which that Woman hath acquired, shee will at last proue terrible to her neighbours, and as she is of a Masculine courage, and of a sexe couetous of command, shee may easily finde a meanes to entangle the King of Spaine in a long and troublesome warre. But if shee were preuented in this, she might easily be kept vnder her proper feare. That there are but a very few in Scotland that will oppose the imprisoned Queene. That all the Catholikes, and the greatest part of the Nobles, are fauourers of her cause. That she hath all the Ports &tc Hauens in her power, and that the Pope would not spare the very goods of the Church, to maintaine a warre so iust and holy. And [page 242] that it meerely depended vpon the Catholike King, who was to muster his forces, and shew his power in so iust, pious and salutiferous a cause, and that all the Catholikes of Great Brittaine expected from him onely, in this occasion, either their comfort or vtter ruine. [Note: The answere of the Duke of Alua. ] To this the Duke of Alua answered, that he was ready, and addrest himselfe to the King of Spaine for the aduancement of this affaire, but could not deny traffique with the Scottish Rebels, because that might infringe the liberty of Flanders; promised to supply them for the most part with money. In the meane time, Setone, the deeper to oblige the King of Spaine and the Duke of Alua, passing ouer to the Flemmings Confederats in disguised manner, procured by soothing flatteries, feastings, and other-like meanes of corruption, the Scottish Companies vnder them, to reuolt, and as he was ready to be questioned about it, and in great danger of his life, saued himselfe with much adoe, vnder the Duke of Alua, who promised to furnish him with ten thousand Souldiers for sixe moneths: but in vaine, in regard they were so full of troubles in Flanders, that they could not transport any Souldiers for Scotland. [Note: The Bishop of Rosse is set at liberty. ] Whiles these things were a doing, the Bishop of Rosse, who had meritoriously laboured the affaires of the Queene of Scotland, in England, and had beene committed to the custodie of the Bishop of London, about a secret practice of Rebellion, being now set at liberty, brought it so to passe, that the King of France, by his Ambassadour De Monluc, laboured most earnestly with Queene ELIZABETH for the re-establishment of the Queene of Scotland, [Note: Laboured the liberty of the Queene of Scots. ] complayning that she was more strictly handled then formerly, vnder the custodie of the Earle of Huntington, her sworne enemie and emulator, who (as well as she) had secret aimes to the Kingdome of England. The Ambassadour of Spaine also at the sollicitation of the Bishop of Rosse, prest that [page 243] point very hard, in the name and behalfe of his King. But the Queene, after shee had seriously reuolued the cunning deuices that they all practised to free the Queene of Scots, and had couertly giuen out, that she was ioyned with them in the Rebellion lately appearing, answered him, THat it was an inconsiderate and dangerous folly, to free one that so apparantly aspired by ill practice to the Crowne of England. That she had need more straightly then ordinary to looke vnto her, and discharge some of her Seruants, whom she had (for the most part) chosen for her own proper dessignes, and to giue for an assistant to the Earle of Shrewsbury, whom she had appointed for her Keeper, who began to suspect the loyaltie of these people, the Earle of Huntington, whom she neuer knew to haue any title to the Kingdome, but onely out of some relation to her in affinity: and that neuerthelesse, she had discharged him long sithence; promiseth to omit no meanes of agreement with the Scots, and protesteth to prosecute no iniuries receiued by her. That she euer hoped, that the King of France, the King of Spaine, and the Queen of Scotland, would not take it in ill part, that she onely prouided for the peace and safety of her selfe &tc her subiects, since nature, reason, and the honour of her Royall Name, did of right require the same at her hands: And that if any of them knew any way more expedient to preuent that imminent menacing danger, shee would not onely heare, but most willingly embrace it. After this, [Note: They consult about the freedome of the Queene of Scotland. ] they sate in Councell often hereupon at the Court, whether it were best to send the Queen of Scotland backe into her Countrie, or retain her stil in England, and how they might best prouide for the safegard both of the Queene, and their Religion. Whiles they were consulting [page 244] hereabout, William Herbert, Earle of Pembroke, happened to dye, being issue to Richard, son to R. Herbert the eldest Earle of Pembroke, being in the Climactericall yeere of his age, as if he had presaged what mischiefe should befal him, if hee had longer liued: leauing behinde him three children, Henry, Edward, and Anne. Hee was buried in S. Pauls Church, with stately and honourable Rites, and a most glorious Tombe erected for him; a Noble person, who out of his owne meanes rais'd a Fortune to himselfe: For he so wrought into the fauour of HENRY the Eighth, that he made him one of the Gentlemen of his Chamber, and by his owne prudence increased his meanes, especially after the King had married Katherine Parre, his wiues Sister. And vnder EDVVARD the Sixth, hee procured (whiles the Court was distracted in seuerall factions) to be of the Order of Saint George, Knight of the Garter, the honour to be the Kings Squire, the Title of Baron Herbert of Cardiffe, and the dignity of the Earle of Pembroke. He was Generall, vnder Queene MARY, of her Troopes she sent against Wyat, and for the English Armie at S. Quintin, President of Wales, twice Gouernour of Calais: vnder Queene ELIZABETH, he was constituted Steward of her houshold, whose fauour he lost for a time, in regard that hee was the first moouer of the match betweene the Duke of Norfolke and the Queene of Scotland, notwithstanding his intention and will were no way ill affected therein, and failed narrowly a little before his death, of being questioned vpon certaine euidences at large dilated, and presumptions secretly found out. Hitherto Pope Pius the Fifth had laid a foundation of abstruse &tc darke conspiracies for Queene ELIZABETH, and the yeere before, she hauing no warning thereof, nor cited by a Bull declaratorie, priuily sends forth an Anathema, and excites Rebellion, and causeth the said Bull to be fixed to the Palace Gates of the Bishop of London, in these words. [page 245] THE SENTENCE Declaratory of the Holy Father Pope Pius the Fifth, against ELIZABETH the pretended Queene of England, and those Heretiques adhering to her: And finally, all such as obey her, to be insnared in the same. PIVS, Bishop, a seruant of the seruants of GOD, for the future memory of the businesse. HEe that rules in the Heauens aboue, and to whom all power is giuen both in Heauen and Earth, gaue vnto one onely vpon Earth, viz. to Peter, the chiefest amongst the Apostles, and to the Pope of Rome, Peters Successor, a holy, Catholique and Apostolique Church, (without which there is no Saluation) to gouerne it in the fulnesse of power. And this he ordayned as chiefe aboue all Nations and Kingdomes, to pull downe, destroy, disseuer, cast off, plant, and erect: to combine in the vnitie of spirit, his faithfull people, connext together [page 246] through mutuall charitie, and present them whole and sound to his Sauiour. Which charge, Wee, who through the grace of GOD, are thereunto called, submitting our selues to the gouernement of the same Church, cease not with all our best labours and indeuours, to preserue this vnitie and Catholique Religion, which hee, (who was the Author thereof) so suffered to be incumbred, for the triall of the faith of his, and for our correction. But the number of the ungodly is so great in power, that there is not a corner left vpon the whole Earth now vntainted with their wicked Doctrines. Amongst which, ELIZABETH, pretended Queene of England, is, aboue all, the shelter and refuge of Error, and most noysome enemies. It is She, who after shee had possessed the Kingdome, vsurping (monster-like) the place of the chiefe Soueraigne of the Church in England, and the principall iurisdiction and authoritie thereof, hath throwne into miserable ruine the whole Kingdome, when it was euen brought to the Catholique faith, and began to bring forth good fruits. For, shee with a powerfull hand prohibiteth the exercise of the true Religion (which was heretofore ouerthrowne by HENRY the Eighth, the forsaker therof, and afterwards repayred with the helpe of this See, by MARIE, lawfull Queene of England, of famous memorie) and embraceth the Heresies of obscure persons; the Royall Councell once composed of the English Nobilitie, shee hath broken off, oppresseth such as made profession of, and exercised the Catholique Religion, re-established the wicked Ministers and Preachers of impietie, abolished the sacrifice of the Masse, Prayers, Fastings, the diuiding of the Meates, the Celibate, and all Catholique Ceremonies, sent Bookes ouer her whole Kingdome, containing manifest Heresies, commended to her Subiects the prophane Mysteries and Institutions [page 247] which shee had receiued, and obserued from the decree of Caluin, displaced the Bishops, Rectors, and Catholique Priests from their Churches and Benefices, and disposed of them to Heretiques, and is bold to take vpon her to iudge and determine Ecclesiasticall affaires; forbade the Prelates, the Clergie, and people, to acknowledge the Roman Church, or obserue her Commandements, and canonicall duties; inforced diuers to sweare obedience to her detestable Ordinances, to renounce the authoritie due to the Roman dignitie, and acknowledge her the onely Soueraigne ouer temporall and spirituall things; imposed penalties and taxes vpon such as were refractory to her Iniunctions; inflicted punishments vpon those who persisted in the vnitie of the faith and obedience, imprisoned the Prelates and Gouernours of the Catholique Churches; where diuers being, with a tedious languishing and sorrow, miserably finished their vnhappy dayes. All which things beeing thus euident and apparant to all Nations, and so manifestly proued by the graue testimony of diuers, that there is no place left for any excuse, defence, or tergiuersation: Wee, perceiuing that these impieties and mischiefes doe still multiply one by another, and that the persecution of the faithfull, and the affliction of the Church doth daily increase, and waxe more heauy and grieuous, and finding that her heart is so obstinate and obdurate, that she hath not onely despised the wholesome Prayers and admonitions which the Christian Princes haue made for her better health and conuersion, but that shee hath denyed passage to the Nuncio's, who, for this end, were sent from this siege into England; and being compelled to beare the armes of Iustice against her, Wee cannot moderate the punishment that Wee are bound to inflict vpon her, whose Ancestors merited so well of the Christian Common-wealth. Being then supported by His Authoritie, [page 248] who hath placed Vs vpon this Soueraigne Throne of Iustice, howsoeuer incapable of so great a charge, out of the fulnesse of our Apostolicall power, doe pronounce and declare the said ELIZABETH an Heretique, and fauourer of Heretiques, and those who adhere vnto her in the foresaid things, haue incurred the Sentence of Anathema, and are cut off from the vnitie of the bodie of Christ. That shee is depriued of the right which shee pretends to the foresaid Kingdome, and of all and euery Seigniorie, Royaltie, and priuiledge thereof: and the Peeres, Subiects, and People of the sayde Kingdome, and all others vpon what termes soeuer sworne vnto her, freed from their Oath, and from all manner of dutie, fidelitie, and obedience: As Wee doe free them by the authoritie of these Presents, and exclude the said ELIZABETH from the right which shee pretendeth to the said Kingdome, and the rest before mentioned. Commanding moreouer, &tc enioyning all, and euery the Nobles, as Subiects, people, and others whatsoeuer, that they shall not once dare to obey her, or any her directions, Lawes, or Commandements, binding vnder the same Curse, those who doe any thing to the contrary. And forasmuch as it may seeme difficult for them to obserue these Presents in euery place where they haue occasion for them, Our will is, that Copies hereof being written by some publique Notarie, and sealed with the Seale of some Ecclesiasticall Prelate, or of his Court, shall be of as good effect through the whole World, as these Presents might doe, if they were exhibited and represented. Giuen at Rome, at S. Peters, the 5. of March, in the yeere of the Incarnation of our Sauiour 1569. and of our Pont. the 5. Caesar Glorianus. [page 249] This caused new iealousies to increase, that some Monster was a breeding: also, it manifested a new Rebellion presently begun in Norfolke, which neuerthelesse was assoone extinct as kindled. Certaine of the Nobles of Norfolke, to free the Duke, whom all the World did with an especiall loue affect, practised a designe of collecting a great number of people together, at the instant as they were flocking to a Faire at Harleston, [Note: Rebellion in Norfolke assoone ended as begun. ] vnder colour of expulsing the Flemmings out of England, who to escape the tyranny of the Duke of Alua, were fled into this Country in great numbers. Some of them being apprehended, were brought to iudgement, and condemned of high-Treason: ELIZABETH, neuerthelesse, to testifie her clemency, would suffer but onely three to be punished, amongst whom, I. Throgmorton was most remarkeable, who being examined by the Iudge, would answer nothing, but being brought to execution, cleared the rest, and acknowledged himselfe the principall author and perswader thereof. I. Felton, who stucke vp the Popes Bull vpon the Bishop of Londons Gate, [Note: Felton punished for sticking vp the Popes Bull. ] making no great difficultie of retyring, and sauing himselfe, was presently taken, and brought to iudgement, and confessing boldly the deede, howsoeuer no way acknowledging it as a fault, was hanged hard by the place where hee had stucke vp the Bul, affecting a vaine kinde of shew of a glorious Martyr. For the rest, the modester sort of Papists misliked this Bull, [Note: The Papists reproue the Bull. ] because no lawfull admonition had preceded, &tc that She had formerly granted to them free exercise of their Religion in their particular Houses with securitie; or such as made no scruple of conscience to bee present at the Seruice in the English Church, fore-seeing a huge weight of dangers thereby to hang ouer their heads, continued euer after firme in their due obedience, perceiuing that the neighbour Princes, [Note: The greatest part co~temne this Bull. ] and Catholique Prouinces, neglected not the Queene, notwithstanding this Bul, but seemed to contemne it as a vain sound of words. [page 250] The same day that Felton was arraigned, the Duke acknowledging his errour to proceed from inconsideration, testified his repentance so farre, that hee did not onely seeme to disclaim any thought of marriage with the Queen of Scotland, but that his eares abhorred the remembrance of it, and promised vnder his hand, neuer to thinke further of attayning it, was freed out of the Tower of London, (where the plague was already begun) and sent to his owne House, to the great ioy of euery one, to be vnder the free custodie of Henry Neuill. Neither truely could they plead against him by right of her Maiesties Law, from the 25. yeere of Edward the Third, [Note: Cecill aduiseth him to marry. ] as Cecill aduertiseth, who out of the affection he bare vnto him, laboured to espouse him to another Wife, to the end to put by his thought of compassing the other, and to prouide for the publique peace. But, after a few daies, many things that hee suspected, discouered themselues: and their faith, who were of his most secret counsell, either with hope, or by corruption, was broken. [Note: Diuers are imprisoned. ] The times then were full of suspitions and conspiracies. For T. and Ed. Stanley, the two youngest sonnes of the Earle of Darbie, by the Duke of Norfolkes Daughter, Gerrard, Rolston, Hall, and others of the Countie of Darbie, conspired to free the Queene of Scotland out of prison; but Rolstons Sonne, who was one of the company of the Gentlemen guarders, discouered the conspiracy, and the rest were imprisoned, except Hall, who saued himselfe at the Ile of Man, and from thence was sent ouer to Dunbritton, with re-commendation to the Bishop of Rosse, where hee was afterwards taken at the surprize of the Castle: and lastly, put to death at London. The Bishop of Rosse himselfe, being lately in custodie, and set at libertie, is againe committed to the custodie of the Bishop of London, for intertaining clandestine conferences with the Earle of Southampton, a most deuoted man to the Romish Religion. [page 251] In the meane time, Sussex, accompanied with the Lord Scroope, with Companies of Souldiers being gone againe into Scotland, burn'd the Villages in the Valley of Annandale, ruined the Castle of Annandale, which belonged to Heris, and the Castle of Caer-Laueroc, belonging to Maxwell, who had made some pillaging incursio~s into England, and brought them to such distresse who continued on the Queene of Scotlands side, that the Duke of Chastelraut, and the Earles of Huntley and Argathell, send them a promise in writing sealed vnder their hands, obliging themselues thereby no longer to maintaine warres, and to abandon the English Rebels. This being done, hee forthwith returned, and for their valour Knighted Hastings, Russell, Browne, Hilton, Stapleton, and Musgraue, and himselfe afterwards, for his approued wisdome and vertue, [Note: Sussex chosen a Priuy-Councellor. ] was admitted to be of the Queenes Priuy Councell. ELIZABETH, hauing her thoughts full of doubts, with various suspitions, by reason of this Bull, and Norfolkes conspiracy, sent vnto the Queene of Scotland, [Note: Treaty with the Queene of Scotland. ] being then at Chettesworth, in the Countie of Darbie, Cecil, and Walte[...] Mildmay, who, in regard the waters were risen aboue measure, it being in the Moneth of October, came thither with much difficultie, to consult with her about the most conuenient meanes how to compound the variance in Scotland, for the restoring of her to her former estate, to secure ELIZABETH, and prouide for the safetie of her young Sonne. Shee could say nothing, but deplore her afflicted condition, and complayned of the fraudulent deuices of Count Murray, iustified the Duke of Norfolke, and reposed all her hope on the courtesie of ELIZABETH, vnderstanding that shee had the generall gouernement of the affaires of Scotland, as well as of England. They propounded vnto her, that to conclude a certaine peace betweene the two Kingdomes, she ought to oblige her selfe, to confirme the Treatie of Edenborrough, and disclaime [page 252] the title and right which shee pretended to England, so long as ELIZABETH, or any issue of her body should liue. Not to renew or entertaine any alliance with any Prince whatsoeuer, against England; Not to admit any forreine troupes into Scotland, nor hold any Councell with the English or Irish, without notice first giuen to ELIZABETH; To send backe the English Fugitiues and Rebels, to satisfie the dammages done vpon the Frontiers; To make search, according to the Law, of the Murder aswell of Darley her Husband, as of Murray, and deliuer her Sonne into England for a pledge; Not to contract her selfe in marriage with any English man, without acquainting the Queene of England, nor with any other, contrary to the Ordinances of Scotland; That the Scots might not goe for Ireland, without leaue of the Queene of England; That for the performance of these things, the Queene, and the Commissioners appointed for the same, shall thereto set their hands and Seales; Six Hostages, whom the Queene of England would nominate, should be sent into England; That if the Queene of Scotland, or any other by her procurement, attempted any thing against her, she should in that re[...]pect alone, be cut off from all right which shee might claime in England; That the Castles of Hume, and Fast-Castle, were held from the English for three yeeres space; That shee should deliuer into their hands certaine Forts in the Countrey of Galloway, or Cantire, to the end that the Borderers on that coast might not inuade Ireland: And lastly, that the State of Scotland should confirme al these things by Act of Parliament. To these things, her selfe suddenly with great dexteritie and wisdome, made answere: neuerthelesse referred it to be answered more fully by the Bishop of Rosse her Ambassadour in England, Alexander Gorden, Bishop of Galloway, and to the Baron Leuinstone, deputed by Her, lieutenants of Scotland; who afterwards allowing some of these Articles, [page 253] and reiecting others, made answer, as here followeth: THat it was reasonable to confirme the Treatie of Edenborrough, [Note: The Answer to the proposition of the English. ] and renounce the title of England, during the life of ELIZABETH; but as concerning the ancient alliance of France, it was to be considered, that if they did not intertaine that still, the Queene should lose her dowrie, the 100. armed Men, and the 124. Souldiers of the Scottish Guard, being Archers, the Merchants, Schollers, and many who are to haue inheritance, their pensions and immunities which they enioy, shall be cast out, and depriued of them, and of the loue and assistance of a most puissant Nation: which things, if the English did not amply satisfie, the Queene of Scotland could in no manner renounce this alliance. But that shee would not entertaine any forraigne souldiers, vnlesse such rebellion might happen, which could not be suppressed by the strength of the Countrey. That she would haue no intelligence, or keepe correspondancie with any of the English, to the preiudice of England, prouided that the Q. of England on the other side intertayned none with the Scots, to the preiudice of Scotland. That if there were any English Rebels, and Fugitiues in Scotland, they might demand them of the Scottish Rebels who were for the more part neere as they, to examine by deputies the dammages which they had receiued, and make inquiry, according to the Lawes of Scotland, of the death of Darley and Murray. That shee could not deliuer the King in pledge, in regard hee was in their custodie, who vnder his name coloured the Rebellion against the Queene. That it was a strange innouation, that a free Princesse should receiue Lawes from a stranger-Prince, or his Subiects, for her marriage. That the Scots should [page 254] not passe into Ireland, to any preiudice of the Queene of England, prouided that the Irish were by a reciprocall Law obliged not to passe into Scotland. Agreed for confirmation of the securitie, to giue such pledges as the Queene of England should nominate, the Duke of Chastelraut, and the Earles of Huntley, Argathell, and of Athole excepted. Furthermore, it shall be in their power to exclude the Queene of Scots from all right of Succession in England, if shee should goe about to doe any thing contrary to the right and authoritie of the Queene of England, so that the Queene of England would be bound in the like penaltie, if shee should doe any thing against the power and priuiledge of the Queene of Scotland. They demand that restitution be made of Castle-Hume, and Fast-Castle, to the Baron of Hume, being the Lord to whom by right they appertaine, and the English to hold them no longer. To deliuer vp the Forts in Galloway and Cantire, were to no other end, but to minister a new occasion of warre. [Note: They cannot agree. ] When these things could in no wise bee agreed vpon, neither any Commissioners came from the Vice-Roy of Scotland, in the meane while it was divulged all abroad, that the Pope, the King of France, and the Duke D' Alua, was importunately sought vnto for ayde, to set the Queene of Scotland at libertie; and the English Rebels, the Earle of Westmerland, and the Countesse of Northumberland, and others (whom the Pope had supplyed with 12. thousand Crownes by the Bishop of Rosse) were come backe out of Scotland; It is cleare that this Treaty brought forth nothing: but that ELIZABETH, (euen as one chosen by consent to sit at the Sterne of all Great-Brittaine, commands by her owne authority, that the Assembly of the States of Scotland should be prorogued, and Truce often [page 255] talked of. The Commanders doe grieuously vexe and torment all parts of Scotland. Rosse sends the Articles of this Treaty to the Pope, [Note: The Bishop of Rosse requires helpe to free the Queene of Scots. ] to France, and to Spaine, and certified that the Queene must necessarily consent vnto them, vnlesse their succour and counsell came in time to relieue her, which he vehemently craued, but in vaine. For indeed their heads were possessed with other affaires; Spaine was preparing to marry Anne of Austria, daughter to Maximilian the Emperour, his Niece by the sister-side, who at the same time departed from Zealand, to goe for Spaine. To whom, ELIZABETH, for a chiefe testification of honour and loue to the House of Austria, sent Charles Howard with a warlike fleete, and choyce Nobilitie, to conduct her thither through the English Sea. The twelfth yeere of ELIZABETHS reigne beeing now happily finished, in which the Papists expected, according to the prediction of their Diuines, the euent of a golden day, as they said; all good people were ioyfull, and happy, and with a delightfull ioy began to celebrate the seuenteenth day of Nouember, (being the day of her comming to the Crowne) with Prayers and Thankes-giuing, which were performed in the Churches, vowes were multiplied, ringing of Bells, Carrolls, Turneyes, and publique solemne ioy euery-where. And this hath continued euer sithence she liued, in testimony of the loue and obedience that her Subiects did beare her. In the middest of these things, dyed H. Clifford, [Note: The death of the Earle of Cumberland. ] Earle of Cumberland, the Second of the name, Henries Sonne, whom HENRY the Eighth had raysed to the honour of an Earle, in the yeere 1525. being otherwise of a very noble and ancient House, and hauing gotten a great increase of honour by marriages, which he contracted with the heires of Vesciores and Viponts or Vieux-ponts, who had beene anciently hereditary Vicounts of Westmerland, who by his first Wife [page 256] begot Eleanor, the second daughter of C. Brandon, Duke of Suffolke, and of Mary, Sister to HENRY the Eighth, Margaret, who was married to Henrie the Earle of Darbies Son, of much hope, and with great pompe, beeing the onely heire of that House. But hauing by his second Wife, Anne Dacrey, two Sonnes, who were successiuely heires to their fathers honour, this hope vanished. [Note: The death of Throgmorton. ] There dyed also N. Throgmorton, of whom I haue often spoken, the fourth Son of G. Throgmorton, the Golden Knight, and of Katherine, daughter of N. Baron of Vaux; a man of great experience, of solid iudgement, and of a singular dexteritie of spirit, who, stirring many things vnder the reigne of MARY, with great difficultie, by his prudence and eloquence, saued his life: afterwards vnder ELIZABETH, hee was imployed in many Ambassies, wherein he got much honour, vntill, for the gaining of the Earle of Leicesters fauour, hee opposed Cecill, who was his Emulator, for thereby hee could attaine but to very small meanes, and triuiall preferments, as chiefe Butler of England, and Treasurer of the Queens Chamber. Being at Supper in the Earle of Leicesters House, and eating sallads, hee was suddenly taken with an inflammation of the Liuer, as some haue affirmed, or with a Catarre, as others say, and not without iealousie of being poysoned, whereof hee dyed in a good time, both for himselfe and his, being then in great danger both of losing his life and goods, beeing a man of a stirring and working spirit. In Ireland, Connogher, O-Brien, Earle of Twomond, not able to endure Edward Fitton, Gouernour of Connaught, who began to gouerne the Prouince something more seuerely, [Note: Rebillion in Ireland quenched before they saw the day. ] and to take away from the great Ones, and chiefe of the Countrey, all hope of polling the Subiects of Ireland, had secretly plotted Rebellion with others, but it was preuented by a happy chance. For, hauing appointed the day to take armes, comes in Fitton, who knew nothing, and [page 257] courteously aduertised the Earle, that he would lodge the morrow following with him, with certaine of his friends. The Earles conscience accusing him, and beeing possest with a strange feare, (an ill signe in doubtfull things) thinking that he was now discouered, and that the Gouernour came to him rather like an enemy then a guest, retired himselfe forth-with into France, leauing them all in doubt what was become of him. The Conspirators, fearing that he was gone into England to discouer the plot, continued in obedience, whereof he vnderstanding, shewed himselfe wise at last, and hauing confest all the busines to Norris, then Ambassadour in France, imployed him to mediate Queene ELIZABETHS fauour, with whom he found such Grace, that he was restored againe to his Estate. But Stukeley, an Englishman, a riotous Prodigall, [Note: Stukeley flieth out of Ireland. ] and vaine-glorious fellow, who after he had consumed all his estate, retired into Ireland, hauing lost all hope of getting the Marshall-ship of Wexford, and perceiuing himselfe to be despised of euery one, and being vnable to raise any commotion, after belching vp most vnworthy reproches of his Princesse, who had done him many fauours, slipped ouer into Italie, to Pope Pius the fifth, and by his flattering tongue, insinuated beyond all credit into the fauour of this pernicious old man, who breathed out the ruine of Queene ELIZABETH, making great blags, and promising that with three thousand Italians, he would driue all the English out of Ireland, and burne the English Fleet; which he afterward villainously attempted, but to his owne ruine, as hereafter we will shew.
[Note: Booke 2. 1571. ] THE FOVRETEENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1571.
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WHether a Minister or Agent of a deposed Prince, another being crowned in his place, ought to haue the priuiledge of an Ambassadour? They answered, that if such a Prince be lawfully deposed, his Minister cannot challenge the priuiledge of an Ambassadour, forasmuch as none but absolute Princes, which haue soueraigne power, can constitute Ambassadours. In the third place, WHether a Prince being come into another Kingdome, and kept in hold, may haue his Agent? and if this Agent ought to be accounted an Ambassadour, or not? They answere, That a Prince may prohibit an Ambassadour to enter into his Kingdome, and command him out of his Kingdome, if he doth not containe himselfe within the limits prescribed to Ambassadours, but in the meane time he ought to enioy the priuiledge of an Ambassadour, for the authority of his Ambassie. Vpon the answers of these Ciuill-Lawiers, the Bishop of Rosse being called backe from the Isle of Ely, and sharply reprooued, the Councell denounced him not to be acknowledged an Ambassadour, but to be punished as a pernicious Malefactor. To which he answered; THat he beeing Ambassadour to an absolute Queene, vniustly deposed, had, according to his duty, laboured [page 277] for the libertie of his Princesse, and for the good of both the Kingdomes: that hee was come into England with ample authoritie, vnder publique testimony, which hee exhibited, and that the sacred Rites of Ambassadours ought not by any meanes to be violated. Whereupon, Burghley grauely shewes him, that neither the Rites of the Ambassies, nor publique Letters of Credit, are of validitie for Ambassadours which offend against the publique faith, but are subiect to penall actions, and that otherwise it should be permitted to wicked Ambassadours to attempt against the life of Princes, vnpunished. He on the contrary, opinatiuely maintained, that the authority of Ambassadours had neuer beene violated by way of Rite, but onely by way of fact (to vse his owne words) and boldly admonisheth them not to deale with him more sharpely then the English Ambassadours had beene dealt with, Throgmorton in France, Randolph and Tamworth in Scotland, who had apparantly excited and nourished rebellions, and were acquitted vpon command to depart within a certaine time. They began to presse him vpon the witnesse of some English-men: [Note: He declines from the English witnesses. ] he gently intreated them not to doe it, because (saith hee) that a receiued custome doth establish it selfe for a Law: An Englishman ought not to beare witnesse against a Scottishman, nor a Scottishman against an Englishman. After some arguings hereupon, whether such custome tooke place elsewhere then vpon the Frontiers of both the Kingdomes, and whether English Ambassadours had stirred Rebellion or no; Rosse is carried to the Tower of London, where being straitly kept, within a few dayes hee briefly made answere to all the interrogatories, with this caution, that his answeres might not be preiudicious to any. And first, he excused the Queene of Scots, (who being [page 278] prisoner, and in the prime of her age) seeking to escape by any meanes, ELIZABETH hauing excluded all from seeing her, and barred her from all hope of libertie, and openly supported all her aduersaries: afterwards excuseth the Duke, that hee had not treated marriage with her, but by the aduice of many that were of Queen ELIZABETHS Councell, nor could he relinquish her, although he had vnder his owne hand-writing promised to doe it, forasmuch as before that promise, a former promise of marriage had passed betweene them: And finally, excuseth himselfe, that being Ambassadour and Minister, could not without blame leaue the duety of his charge, and be wanting to his Princesse in her afflictions, and that he had propounded the seyzing of the person of Queene ELIZABETH, to no other end, but to try whether the Duke had a minde prepared to doe a mischieuous act: and verily hee craftily extenuated the offences of the rest, and would neuer discouer the names of the Nobles which offered themselues to the Dukes seruice, for the seyzing of the Queenes person; onely confessed, that by the commandement of the Queene of Scots, he consulted with the Earles of Arundel, Lumley, and Throgmorton, and by Lumley, and the Vicount of Mountague, because that he was to deliuer into the hands of the English, the Castles which were in Scotland, the Hostages, and the King of Scots, to renounce the title to England, and the English Rebels. But for this matter, enough is spoken of this yeere; and the particularities of it, may be drawne from the Dukes confession, and the memoriall sent to the Queen of Scots, written by the Bishop of Rosse's own hand. At the same time, Mathew, Earle of Lenox, Vice-Roy of Scotland, and great Grand-father to the King, hauing appoynted the assembly of States at Sterlin, and thinking to be safe there, was surprized by the Lords of the contrary faction, which met together by the Queenes authoritie [page 279] at Edenborrough, and hauing yeelded himselfe to Dauid Spencer, who laboured very hard to protect him, was slaine with him by Bell and Cauder, [Note: Lenox Vice-Roy of Scotland is slain. ] after hauing with much trouble and paines ruled the Kingdome for the King his Nephew, the space of foureteene moneths, more or lesse: at what time France tooke the Queenes side, and Queen ELIZABETH the Kings, not so much to get their friends the victory, as to keepe them from being ouercome. Queen ELIZABETH hoped that the young King should haue beene deliuered into her hands, and the French thought that Dunbriton and Edenborrough should be giuen them: whereupon some Scottish Merchants were very much troubled, and traffique in France was denyed them, which drew a great partie to the Queenes side, in hope thereby to haue freedome of trade there againe. In Lenox his place, [Note: The Earle of Marre is elected Vice-Roy. ] by the common consent of the people, Iohn Areskin, Earle of Marre, was elected Vice-Roy, a man of a calme spirit, and a great louer of his Countrie, who beeing no lesse afflicted with the turbulent counsels of his friends, then by the insultings of his aduersaries, for very griefe dyed, when hee had gouerned thirteene moneths. The iniquitie of these times, and the loue which the people of England bore to their Queene and Countrey, drew the States to Westminster, where they made a Law to preuent the plots of the seditious, [Note: Lawes against disturbers. ] by which it was ordayned by ancient authoritie: THat if any did attempt to ruine or hurt the Queene, to make warre, or excite others to doe it in any part of her dominions: or affirme that shee had no right to the Kingdome, but that it were more iustly due to another; or said, that shee was an Heretique, a Schismatique, or Infidell; that shee did vsurpe the right from another that was liuing; or that the Lawes and Statutes were not of power to define and [page 280] tye the right of Succession, It should be Crimen laesae Maiestatis. If any one during the life of Queene ELIZABETH, should expresly affirme either by writing or Booke printed, that any one is or ought to bee the Queenes Heire or Successour, except the naturall Line which should proceede from her owne body; or that should publish, print, or sell Bookes written vpon this Subiect, he, and his maintainers, for the first time should suffer a whole yeeres imprisonment, and lose halfe their goods, but returning to the same offence againe, they incurred the penaltie of a Praemunire; which is, losse of all goods, and imprisonment during life. This seemed grieuous vnto some, which thought that the tranquillity of the Kingdome ought to be strengthened by the designation of an Heire, but it was beyond beliefe, what iests the maliciously-curious made of this clause, [Naturally begotten of her body,] because the Ciuill Law calls those Children naturall, which are borne out of marriage, and that nature onely, and not the honesty of wedlocke begot them: and the English Law, [Legitimate,] those that are lawfully begotten. And I remember being then young, to haue heard it spoken aloud, that this word was prest into this Law by Leicester, that some bastard-sonne of his should thrust in as one of neerest kinne to Queene ELIZABETH. [Note: Lawes against Papists. ] It was also ordained, that those who had by any Bull or writing from the Pope, reconciled any to the Church of Rome, should vndergoe the punishment of Crimen laesae Maiestatis. Those who sustaine the Reconcilers or bringers into England of Agnus Dei's, Graines, Crucifixes, or any other things consecrated by the Pope of Rome, should lose all their goods, and indure perpetuall imprisonment: and those that shall conceale and not detect these Reconcilers, [page 281] were holden guiltie of Misprision of Treason. Furthermore, those goods and lands, which were conuicted for Rebellion in the North, beeing in the possession of Iames Pilkinton, Bishop of Durham, who challenged Regall power betweene the Riuers of Teise and Tyne, were adiudged to the Queene and her Successours, because she had with great cost deliuered both the Bishop and the Bishopricke from Rebels, yet so, as that in time to come it shall not be preiudiciall to the Regall rite of that Church of Durham. It was also ordained, that to meete with the insolencies of such as were deuoted to the Pope, and despising the authority of the Lawes, and their obedience to their Princesse, who day by day with-drew themselues into forraine Countries, without the Queenes licence, (hoping in time with a great number, and to innouate something) they should returne within a certaine time, and make their submissions, and that the fraudulent conueyances which they had made, should be burnt. So much for the Papists. On the other side, by wholsome Lawes they suppressed as well the couetousnesse of certaine of the Clergie, who, as if they had beene borne onely to themselues, with a notorious malice to their Successours, wasted the goods of the Church, and let out the Lands for many yeeres, as the impudencie of others, who, with a desire to innouate, opposed themselues to Articles of the Synod of London, for the abolishing of Schisme, in the yeere 1562. It was likewise againe propounded, that if the Queene of Scots should againe offend the Lawes of England, she might be proceeded against, as if she were a Peeres Wife of the Realme of England. But the Queene by her authority, hindered that from being made a Law. In the beginning of Iune, the Parliament being ready to be dismissed, they sate vpon Iohn Story, a Doctor of Law, and Spie to the Duke of Alua, of whom I haue made [page 282] mention in the yeere 1569. to know whether Iohn Storie being an English-man, should be found guilty Laesae Maiestatis, for hauing conferred with a stranger-Prince in Brabant, for the inuading of his Countrey, and shewing the meanes to doe it. The learned'st sort in the Law did affirme, that hee might be accused Laesae Maiestatis. Whereupon hee was called vnto iudgement, for hauing conspired against the life of his Princesse with one Prestoll, a man much addicted to magicke, and in giuing thankes at the Table, alwayes cursed her, and the King of Scotland, to the fiends of Hell, and demonstrated to the Duke of Alua's Secretary the meanes to inuade England, to make Ireland reuolt, and at the same time to bring the Scots into England. He refused to submit himselfe to be iudged by the Lawes of England, maintayning, that being a sworne Subiect not to Queene ELIZABETH, but to the King of Spaine, [Note: Iohn Storie condemned to dye. ] the Iudges of England had no power ouer him. But hee was condemned according to the forme of (Nihil dicit) because no man can free himselfe from the Lawes of the Countrey where he is borne, nor renounce his naturall Countrey nor his Prince, and suffered as a Traytor. [Note: Differences appeased betweene the English and the Portugals. Guienne.] There was then for certaine yeeres, controuersie betweene the Portugals and the English, during the commerce betweene them and the Moores for pure Gold, from the yeere 1552. in that part of Africa called Guienne, and others who had first discouered those Coasts, hindered as much as they could by force of armes, so as they fought sometimes by Sea, and detained Ships on both sides. But Sebastian, King of Portugall, being newly come to age, to make a peace, sent Francis Gerard into England, who made a Couenant with the Queene almost in these very words: THat a perfect amitie may be made, and free commerce had on both sides, the one shall not attempt [page 283] any thing to the preiudice of the other, nor lend succour to their enemies, Rebels, or Traytors; the Merchandize, Moneyes, and Ships, which are vnder arrest, to be restored. And Queene ELIZABETH, to gratifie the King of Portugal, prohibiteth the English to vse any Nauigation in the Seas, or to the Lands which the Portugals had conquered. And that if they should doe otherwise, it should be vpon their owne perill, if the Portugals should depriue them both of goods and liues: The Kingdomes of Portugal and Argarbe, also the Iles of Azores and Madera excepted, in which, free Nauigation was permitted. This yere, W. Parre, Marquis of Northampton, [Note: The Marquis of Northampton dyes. ] being very old, peaceably departed this life, a man much conuersant and well read in the delectable studies of Musicke, and intertainement of Louers, and other courtly iucundities, who was first raised to the dignitie of Baron Parre of Kendal, afterwards he married Anne Bourchier, sole daughter &tc heire to the Earle of Essex, at the same time when the King married his sister; and afterwards b[...] EDVVARD made Marquis of Northampton; vnder the reigne of MARIE, hee was condemned of High-Treason for taking armes on the behalfe of Iane Grey, who was brought in by subornation to be Queene, but was shortly after pardoned, and restored to his inheritance, as he was afterwards to his honours by Queene ELIZABETH. He had no Children, but left to be his heire, Henrie Herbert, Earle of Pembroke, his other Sisters Sonne. Iohn Iewell, [Note: The death of Bishop Iewell. ] a man of an excellent spirit and exquisit learning in Theologie, and of great pietie, died the same yeere, being hardly fiftie yeeres of age, descended of good Parents in Deuonshire, and commendably brought vp in Corpus Christi Colledge in the Vniuersitie of Oxford, who, in Queene MARIES reigne was banished into Germanie, [page 284] and afterwards by Queene ELIZABETH beeing made Bishop of Salisburie, put forth, in the yeere 1562. an Apologie for the English Church, and most learnedly defended the Protestants Religion against Harding who was falne from it, in two Volumes in our owne Tongue, which are now translated into the Latine. [Note: Affaires of Ireland. ] Ireland at that time was quiet enough: for Iohn Per[...]t, President of Mounster had so ransacked Iohn Fitz-Morris, who had pillaged Kilmalocke, that hee was constrained to hide himselfe in Caues, and in the end, as wee shall relate hereafter, brought to begge pardon with humble submission. [Note: William Fitz William Deputy of Ireland. ] Sidney, Deputie of Ireland, returning into England, Fitz-William, who had married his Sister, succeeded in his place.
the years 1572-76 removed
[Note: Booke 2. 1577. ] THE TVVENTIETH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1577.[Note: Austria inclines to Peace. ] DOn Iohn of Austria perceiuing himselfe too weake for the States of Holland, strengthened by the amitie of neighbour Princes, sent Gastel to Queene ELIZABETH to thanke her for the ayd which she had offered him against the French, &tc to declare his desire of Peace. [Note: Elizabeth perswades to it. ] She by Edw. Horsey now sent the second time to him, commends his disposition to Peace, and withall treates that the goods of the English detained in Antwerpe, might be restored. Answer was made verie slowly, he being much distracted (as he pretended) with other affaires, wholly intending [The perpetuall Edict for Peace] as they call it, which scarce lasted a yeere. Queene ELIZABETH seriously desiring Peace, sends Sir Thomas Leighton to the Prince of Orange, to perswade [page 371] him, not to labour, or attempt any thing against Peace, vntill Iohn Smith, who was sent into Spaine to procure a Peace, should returne. The Prince of Orange, [Note: Orange diuerts her. ] who from his heart condemned this perpetuall Edict, hauing opportunely learned, that Don Iohn of Austria did endeuour to marrie the Queene of Scots, which occasion he willingly catch't, and by Famier forthwith aduertiseth Queene ELIZABETH to auert her from Peace. She neuerthelesse as seeming to know nothing, by Daniel Rogers congratulates with Don Iohn for the perpetuall Edict of Peace, although she had discouered for certaine, that by the perswasion of the Earle of Westmerland, and the English Fugitiues, and the inclination of the Pope, and the fauour of the Guizes, he had an assured hope to attaine to this mariage, and together with it, [Note: Austria seekes to marrie the Queene of Scots. And by her to get the Kingdome of England. ] to swallow England and Scotland; and had alreadie resolued to possesse himselfe of the Isle of Man, situate in the Irish Sea, as a fit place for the inuading of England on Ireland side, and from the West-side of Scotland, where the Queene of Scots had many people at her deuotion, and in the opposite part of England to make vse of North-Wales, and the Counties of Cumberland, Lancaster, and Chester, where the most part of the Inhabitants are most addicted to Poperie. And certainly (as we haue learned by Perez the King of Spaines Secretarie) Austria, caried away with ambition, seeing himselfe falne from all hope of the Kingdome of Tunis, had dealt secretly with the Pope, to pull downe ELIZABETH from her Throne; to marrie the Queene of Scotland; and to subdue England: and vnknowne to Philip, wrought with the Pope to excite Philip for the publike good to the English Warre. Don Iohn himselfe is readie to goe for Flanders; this was prosecuted in Spaine; and anon after, Escouedo is sent from Flanders, to desire that a Port in Biskye might be granted him, from whence with a Nauie he might inuade England. But Philip not likeing these designes, [page 372] begun to neglect him as a man too ambitious. Neither did Queene ELIZABETH vnderstand of these things, till (as I haue said) the Prince of Orange did informe her. [Note: Copley made a Baron of France. ] Notwithstanding, it wanted not suspition, that Thomas Copley (a prime man among the English Fugitiues, being commended to the French King by Vaulx, Secretarie to Don Iohn) had beene made Knight and Baron. But Copley endeuouring to auoide suspition, protested obedience to his Prince, and that he had accepted this Title out of no other reason but for the greater accesse of honour to his wife, his companion in exile, and that his Pension from Spaine would be the greater, because a Gentleman of Title is of more esteeme among Spaniards; and he thought he was capable of the Title of a Baron, his Grandmother being the eldest Daughter to the Baron of Hoo, and his great Grandmother the eldest Daughter of the heires of the Baron of Welles. [Note: The dissimulation of Austria. ] In the meane time, Don Iohn (vnderhand) prosecutes this match, and withall, the better to cloke the matter, sends the Viscount of Gaunt Embassadour to ELIZABETH, who shewed her the Articles of Peace, and to demand a longer terme for the paiment of the Money which the States borrowed of her. This she willingly grants; and after treates with him, by Wilson, that the dammages which the English Merchants receiued at the sacking of Antwerpe may be repared. [Note: He takes vp armes again. ] He deludes her, and while he pretended to be busie about this perpetuall Edict of Peace, breakes out into Warre, and, by craft, surprises Castles, and Townes, and writes to the King of Spaine, that the wisest course is to take the Islands of Zeland, before they lay siege to the interiour Prouinces; and being thus transported with hope, striues to perswade him by Escouede his Secretarie, that it were easier for him to take England than Zelande At length, when all things tended to warres in the Low-Countries, [page 373] the States send to Queene ELIZABETH the Marquis of Maure and Adoulfe Medkerke, to borrow of her a hundred thousand pound sterling for eight moneths: Shee made them this answer, [Note: Elizabeth couenanted with the Scots. ] That if they could borrow it else-where, Shee, with the Citie of London, would willingly giue caution for it; prouided, that such Townes of the Low-Countries as She shall nominate, would be bound by writing to repay it within a yeere, and made alliance with them of mutuall succour both by Land and Sea, vnder these conditions: THe Queene shall send for succour to the States a thousand Horse, and fiue thousand foote, to whom they shall pay three moneths after their imbarking, their intertainement and expence in the City of London, and the warres ended, shall defray their expence for their returning into England. The Generall of these forces, who shall be an English-man, shall be receiued into the Councell of the States, and nothing shall be ordered concerning warre or peace, without consulting thereupon either with the Queene, or him, nor make league with any whosoeuer, without her approbation; and, if shee please, to be comprehended in the same. If any Prince doe any hostile act against the Queene or Kingdome of England, vnder any pretext whatsoeuer, the States shall resist as much as in them lye, and shall send ayde to the Queene in the same number, and vpon the like conditions. If any discord arise among the States, it shall bee referred to her arbitrement. If the Queene be to prepare a Nauie against enemies, the States shall furnish xl. Ships of a competent burthen, with Mariners, and euery thing else necessary, which shall obey and follow the Admirall of England, and shall be defrayed at the Queenes cost. The States shall in no wise admit into the Low-countries, such English as the Queene hath declared Rebels. If they conclude [page 374] a peace with Spaine, they must take heede that the Articles, whether ioyntly or seuerally, bee confirmed by the Queenes pleasure. Immediately as this Treatie begun, the Queene, lest shee should be calumniated as a nourisher of Rebellion in the Low-Countries, [Note: She declares the reason of it to the Spaniard. ] sent Thomas Wilkes to the Spaniard, to declare vnto him as followeth: FOrasmuch as there neuer want malicious spirits, which studie craft and subtiltie, to breake friendship betweene those Princes, and by vniust suggestion, to cast aspersions vpon their honours, by supposall, as if shee had kindled this fire in the Low-Countries: First, shee prayes the King, and the Gouernours of the Low-Countries, that they would call to minde, how often and how earnestly, like a friend, shee long-agoe forewarned of the euils hanging ouer the Low-Countries; And then, when they thought of reuolting, what studious paines she tooke in often Missitations to the Prince of Orange, and the States, that they should continue in dutie and obedience to the King, yea euen when those most opulent Prouinces were offered her in possession, what sinceritie shewed shee, not to take them into protection? Finally, when all things were deplorable, how much money did shee lately furnish to hinder (the States being pressed by vrgent necessitie) not to subiect themselues vnder another Prince, and trouble the treatie of the late propounded peace. But when shee had notice that the Prince of Orange was vnwilling to embrace the peace already begun, shee did not onely admonish him to embrace it, but also (shee most sacredly protested) interposed threatnings, and in some sort commanded him. If these things be vnworthy of a Christian Prince, studious of peace, and most desirous to deserue well of her good [page 375] Confederate, the King of Spaine; let the King himselfe, and all the Princes of the Christian World iudge. And that wars might sleepe on both sides, and that hee might haue the Hollanders obedient, aduiseth him to receiue them, as an afflicted people, into his ancient fauour, restore their priuiledges, obserue the last couenants of peace, and elect out of his owne Family some other Gouernour. Which could by no meanes be effected, vnlesse Don Iohn were remoued, whom the States distrusted, with more than a hostile and implacable hatred; and, whom shee certainely knew by his secret practices with the Queene of Scots, to be her vtter enemy. Insomuch, that shee could expect nothing from the Low-Countries, but certaine dangers while He gouerned there. But now when shee doth perceiue what great number of forces Don Iohn inrolled, and how many Troupes of French there were in a readinesse, shee profest, that, to keepe the Low-Countries to the King of Spaine, and to repell danger from England, shee had promised ayde to the States. Who reciprocally had promised to persist in their obedience to the King, and to innouate nothing in Religion. From which, if shee shall perceiue the King auerse, but to haue determined breaking the barres of their rights and priuiledges, to draw them into seruitude like miserable Prouinces captiuated by conquest; shee cannot, both for the defence of her Neighbours, and her owne securitie, be failing or negligent: But also, if the States doe breake their faith with the King, or enterprise any thing contrary to what they haue promised, she would speedily turne her Ensignes against them. The Spaniard was not pleased to heare these things, [Note: The Spaniard did not willingly heare these things. ] neuerthelesse knowing that it lay much in Queene ELIZABETHS power, to establish or ruine his affaires in [page 376] the Low-Countries, and knowing for certaine that Don Iohn laide Ambuscadoes for her, dissembled it, and prayed her to prosecute the designe which shee had for establishing peace, and not rashly to belieue the false reports that runne, or that be practised vnworthily against a Prince that is his friend. Whiles Wilkes exposeth these things in Spaine, Don Iohn, who feared Queene ELIZABETH, and withall wished her ruine, [Note: Don John complaines to Queene Elizabeth of the States. ] sends Gastell to her, who blamed the States exceedingly, accuseth them of many foule crimes, and layde open at large the causes that moued Don Iohn to take armes againe. Queene ELIZABETH, like an Heroicke Princesse, stood Arbitratresse between the Spaniard, the French, and the States, insomuch as shee had power to apply this saying of her Father, [He shal carry it away, for whom I am;] and that which he writ is found true, that France and Spaine are the scoales of the Ballance, [Note: England the ballance of Europe. ] and England the beame. At the very same time, the Iudges holding the Assises at Oxford, [Note: A pestilent sicknesse caused by the stinke of a prison. ] and R. Ienke, Stationer, an impudent talker, was accused and brought to triall for speaking iniurious words against the Queene, the most part of the assistants were so infected with his poysonous and pestilent breath, and by reason of the stinke, whether of the prisoners or the prison, that they almost all dyed within forty dayes, besides women and children; and this contagion extended no further. Amongst others, R. Bel, chiefe Baron of the Exchequer, a graue man, and learned in the Law, R. Doyley, Sir G. Babington, Vicount Doyley of Oxfordshire, Harcourt, Waineman, and Fetiplace, persons of great estimation in that Countrey, and Barham, a famous Lawyer, being almost of one Iury, and about three hundreth more died there. Hitherto the Papists in England enioyed a cheerefull tranquillitie, who, by a kinde of merciful conniuency, exercised their Religion in priuate houses in some sort vnpunished, although it was prohibited by the Law, vpon paine [page 377] of a pecuniary mulct to be inflicted; neither did the Queen thinke it fit to force the conscience. But after that thundring Bull of Excommunication against the Queene, which came from Rome, was cast abroad; that serenitie by little and little turned into clouds and tempests, and brought vp that Law which was made in the yeere 1571. against them which brought into the Kingdome such [Bulls, Agnos Dei, and Grana Benedicta] being tokens of Papall obedience, or, as we haue said, did reconcile any to the Church of Rome. Neuerthelesse, this Law was not put in execution against any one in sixe yeeres after, although it was knowne to haue beene violated by many. The first against whom this Law was put in practice, was Cuthbert Maine, Priest, [Note: Maine, a Priest, executed. ] a stubborne defender of the Popes authority against the Queene, hee was executed at Saint Stephens, commonly called Launston in Cornewall, and Trugion a Gentleman, that intertained him into his house, had all his lands and goods confiscated, and he condemned to perpetuall imprisonment: Of these, and such like things, concerning the Church, I will but giue a touch, in regard of others that vndertake to write the Ecclesiasticall History of those times, who, I hope (although it be scarcely to be hoped for, by reason of exasperated mindes in this deuision of Religion) will faithfully performe it. This yeere, the title of Baron of Latimer, [Note: The death of the Lord Latimer. ] after it had flourished in honour and riches from the time of Henry the Sixth, is now extinct in Iohn Neuill, who hauing no Issue male, left an ample inheritance to foure Daughters, the eldest of which, Henrie Earle of Northumberland married; the second, Thomas Cecill, who was afterwards Earle of Exceter; the third, Sir William Cornwallis; and the fourth, Sir Iohn Dauers, of which came a plentifull ofspring. Sir Th. Smith, one of the Secretaries of State, [Note: Secretary Smith dyes. ] likewise died of a consumption, this being his clymactericall yeere; a man memorable for much learning, and wisdome, approued [page 378] in many Ambassies. He was descended of noble Parents at Saffron Walden in Essex, brought vp at Queen Margarets Colledge in Cambridge, and beeing come to riper yeeres, [Note: Saffron Walden. ] was chosen to bee sent into Italy vpon the Kings charge: (vntill our time many of the most hopefull youths were chosen out of both the Vniuersities, and trayned vp in strange Countries, for the better adorning and inabling of their mindes.) From thence, he returned Doctor of the Ciuill Law, he was in fauour with the Duke of Sommerset, Protector of EDVVARD the Sixth, and made the other Secretary with Cecill, and Lord Warden of the Stanneries, Deane of Carlile, and Prouost of Eaton. Queene MARIE comming to the Crowne, tooke all these dignities from him, assigned him a hundred pound a yeere to liue on, with condition not to goe out of the Kingdome. As soone as Queene ELIZABETH inioyed the Scepter, he was called againe to the seruice of the Common-wealth, to be an assistant with the Diuines in correcting the English Liturgy; and afterwards, as I haue said before, hauing with great applause performed his Ambassies, hee dyed. In the yeere 1571, being made second Secretary to the Queene, hauing but one onely Sonne, sent him to leade a Colony into the barbarous Pen-insale Ardes in Ireland, where hee was vnfortunately slaine. Hee tooke speciall care, and was the first that procured an order for the dyets of Students in Colledges; and by that meanes aduanced learning more than he did by his writings, although hee left a worke imperfect, de Reipublica Anglorum, a singular booke de Linguae Anglicae Orthographia; another, de Graecae pronunciatione; and an exact Commentary, de re nummaria, most worthy to come to light. In his stead, to the place of Secretary, came Thomas Wilson, Doctor of the Ciuill Law, Master of Saint Katherines neere London, who dyed within foure yeeres after. [Note: Rebellion in Ireland. ] In Ireland, the O-Mores, O-Conores, and others, whose [page 379] ancestors the Earle of Sussex, Lord Deputie (in the reigne of Queene MARY, had, for wrongs and offences done by them) depriued of their inheritance, Leisa, and Ophalia, neither had hee assigned them any other place to liue in, broke out into Rebellion, vnder the conduct of Rorio Oge, [Note: Rorio Oge. ] that is to say, Rodorick the Younger, burnt a little Towne called Naasse; they assaulted Lachliny, and were repulsed by Sir George Crew Gouernour, but they tooke Henry Harrington, and Alexander Cosbie, in a deceitfull parley which they sought of purpose to surprize them, who~ when Captaine Harpole went about to recouer, set vpon a little Cottage by night where Rorio was, and they two tyed to a post; Rorio being awaked with the noyse, gaue Harrington and Cosbie many wounds in the darke, and with a desperate boldnesse, rusheth into the middest of the Souldiers which compassed him round, and by the benefit of the night escaped. Afterwards, hauing layde an Ambuscado for the Baron of Osser, was taken, and being slaine, [Note: Rorio slaine. ] his neighbours were deliuered from much feare.
the years 1578-80 removed
The end of the second Booke of the Annals and History of that mightie Empresse, Queene ELIZABETH, of most happy and blessed memory.
THE HISTORIE OF THE MOST HIGH, MIGHTY, AND Euer-glorious Empresse, ELIZABETH, Inuincible Queene of England, Ireland, &tcc. True Defendresse of the Faith, of immortall Renowne, and neuer-dying Fame and Memory. OR, ANNALLES OF ALL SVCH REMARKable things as happened during her blest Raigne ouer her Kingdomes of England and Ireland; as also, such Acts as past betwixt her MAIESTY and Scotland, France, Spaine, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands. The third Booke.
THE HISTORIE OF THAT EVER Most blessed and Glorious Empresse, [Note: Booke 3. ] Queene ELIZABETH of happy renowne and matchlesse Fame. OR ANNALLS Of all such things of note as hapned during her happy Reigne, as well in England, France, Ireland, as Scotland, Spaine, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands. The third Booke, and the foure and twentieth yeere of her Raigne, Anno MDLXXXI.
portion of text removedALthough the vulgar sort doth censure hardly of the procrastinating of this contracted mariage, Queene ELIZABETH intendeth nothing more, then to content her people, who are instant to haue her marry, that they may be secured of a succession in her children. Her Maiestie being sought to by the Duke of Anjou, by good right hath his loue preferred before all other Princes, by reason of his vertues and resplendent race, [Note: The Queen of England deferreth. ] and shee protesting to beare vnto him most soueraigne loue, holding off from the consummation of mariage, onely vntill she could haue [page 11] knowledge from her people, how they stand affected thereunto, holding it a point of wisdome in the meane time rather to foresee, then to repent too late, [Note: Wherefore. ] seeming in these respects to demurre the more, by reason of the ciuill warres in France, the vnfortunate Duke of Anjous vndeseruedly falling out of the Kings fauour, and in England an auersion of heart in most of the best of her Subiects, since the first motion of the mariage, yet all this breeds nor brings no diminution of true loyall loue in her Maiesty towards the said Duke. Also it was at this time out of season for the French King, to vrge a present consummation, knowing the Duke was newly entred into warre against the King of Spaine, the which he might not suddenly abandon, or relinquish, without great dishonour to himselfe, discommoditie to the Kingdome of France and England; as also the ruine of Flanders, the Spaniard there growing dayly greater and greater. Moreouer, in stead of continuing peace at home, (for which the people prayeth) they must of necessitie bee brought to bloody warres, the Queenes husband being so deepely engaged thereinto. For these reasons, from henceforth that Treaty of sudden mariage is to surcease, vntill the Duke of Anjou were dis-intangled out of these warres, and that interchangeable conditions of Offensiue and Defensiue Alliance bee passed betwixt the two Kingdomes of France and England. And assuredly the Queene desired it aboue all things. But the French would promise no other thing but to passe to couenants of mutuall defensiue, and as for the offensiue, [Note: Duke d' Anjou returneth againe into England. ] would heare it no further spoken of, vntill the Nuptials were celebrated. Within a short space after, the Duke (whom the States had elected Gouernor of Flanders) comes into England, after [page 12] he had happily raised the siege of Cambray, at the charge and cost of Queene ELIZABETH, who had supplyed him with great summes of money by the hands of Henry Seimor, Palauicine an Italian, and Bex a Frenchman. The hope he relyed vpon was this; that if he should not presently dispatch the mariage, yet should hee so effect, that by the fauour of the Queene (whom the Dutch honoured as an earthly Goddesse) he should bee the better welcome to the Low-Countri-men at his returne. He ariued safe in England, and was magnificently entertained, and receiued with all royall courtesies could be expected, euident testimonies of honour and loue, which her Maiestie shewed apparantly, [Note: Queene Elizabeth giueth a Ring vnto the D. of Anjou. ] insomuch that on a time on the day of the solemnization of her Coronation (he being entred into amorous Discourse with her Maiestie) the great loue which shee bore him, drew a Ring from her finger, which shee gaue him vpon certain cond[...]tions meant and agreed vpon betwixt them. The assistants tooke that for an argument and assurance that a mariage was by reciprocall promise contracted betweene them. Amongst others, Aldegondy Gouernor of the City of Antwerpe, dispatched messengers suddenly ouer, into the Low-Countries; where for great ioy at the hearing thereof, both in Antwerpe, and all ouer Flanders were made bonefires, and their great Artillerie shot off. But this bred sundry opinions among the Courtiers: [Note: A motion of sundry conceits in Court. ] For as some reioyced exceedingly, others were astonisht at it, &tc some quite strucke downe with sadnesse. The Earle of Leicester who had laid a secret plot to preuent the mariage, the Vice-Chamberlaine Hatton, and Walsingham, were most of all malecontented, as if the Queene, Religion and Kingdome had been vndone. Her women which were about her fell all in sorrow and sadnesse, and the terror they put her into, [Note: The Queen greatly disquieted. ] so troubled her minde, that she passed all that night without sleepe amongst her houshold seruants, who made a consort of weeping, and sighing. The next [page 13] morning finding the Duke, and taking him aside, had serious discourse with him. The Duke retiring himselfe, after hee left her, into his Chamber, plucketh off the Ring, casteth it on the ground, taketh it vp againe, rayleth on the lightnesse of women, and inconstancie of Ilanders. As she was perplexed with these passions, [Note: Her Maiesty thinks what inconueniencies might ensue in contemning and despising the Match with the Duke of Anjou. ] , shee called to minde what once the Lord Burley, and the Earle of Sussex had told her, that there was no Alliance offensiue to bee hoped for, without marying with the Duke; nor being alone and without assistancy, was able to withstand the greatnesse of the Spaniard. That the Spaniard offering his daughter in mariage to the King of Scots, hee would easily draw the Papists in England to be his adherents; and all the Fugitiues, Rebels, discontented persons, and such as were sine spe, &tc sine re (whereof the number was great) to be on his side. that al good people were now out of hope euer to haue issue of her body of the Blood Royall by this mariage; and now hauing their hearts alienated from her, hereby would cast their eyes and affections vpon some other of her Competitors. That also shee could not but highly displease the King of France, and the Duke his Brother, who after the imploiment of so much time, the holding of so many Counsels, the sending of such honorable Ambassadors, and the expences of so much money, could hardly endure to finde himselfe in fine derided, what colour so euer should be cast ouer the matter: And to raise mony for the Duke of Anjou, to imploy him in the warres of Flanders, assigning him an annuall Pension for the time to come. There remained also a scruple vpon her conscience, that he so deluded of her, might match himselfe in Spaine, and then shee should bee in danger on both sides, as well from France, as from Flanders, as euery one could breathe into her eares, and her selfe presage. Some thought, that amidst this anxiety of doubtfull thoughts which troubled her minde about this mariage, the necessitie of the time and matter, made her put on a resolution [page 14] that it would stand more with her honour, and the good of her Common-weale to liue single, then to be maried; [Note: Reasons disswading her from marying. ] foreseeing that if she should marry with a subiect from such disparitie would grow disgrace to her selfe, and kindle heart-burnings, secret displeasures, and domestique troubles and hatred. If with a stranger, she should bring her selfe and subiects vnder a foraine yoake, and Religion in hazard; remembring withall how vnfortunate that match of her Sister MARIES with King Philip was, and that of her great grandfather EDWARD the fourth, who was the first English King, since the Norman conquest, which tooke a subiect to wife. She feared also to transfer vpon a husband that glory, which whilst she liued vnmarried remained with her entire: withall, she was diuerted in minde from mariage, by reason of the great perils she should be subiect to, by conception, and child-bearing, as diuers women and Physicians bore her in hand. [Note: A book published in print against the mariage. ] Her Maiestie likewise burned with choller that there was a booke published in print, inueighing sharply against the mariage, as fearing the alteration of Religion, which was intituled, A gaping gulfe to swallow vp England by a French mariage. In this Pamphlet the Priuy Councellors which fauoured the Match were taxed of ingratitude to their Prince and Countrey: the Queene as not vnderstanding well her selfe, by the way of flattery is tauntingly touched: the Duke d' Anjou and his country of France in contumelious tearmes shamefully reuiled: the mariage condemned, for the diuersitie of Religions, by poisonous words and passages of Scripture, miserably wrested, would seeme to proue that the Daughter of God, being to match with the sonne of Antichrist, it must needs bee the ruine of the Church, and pernicious to the State; neither would Queene ELIZABETH bee perswaded that the Author of this booke had any other purpose, but to bring her into hatred with her subiects, and to open a gap to some prodigious [page 15] innouation: it being so that shee neuer had respected so much the power shee had ouer her people as the loue they bore to her, and (as Princes are accustomed) was neuer more carefull then of her royall reputation: notwithstanding the writer of that booke neuer once made mention of meanes to establish in future securitie her selfe or Realme, or for auoiding danger, or how the States of the Land had in former times most importunately perswaded her Maiestie to mariage, to giue an assured remedy against imminent euils. And this she published in writing, [Note: The Queens Declaration against this pernicious Libell. ] condemning the Author of the Libell, made knowne the Dukes propensitie of minde towards her selfe, and to the Protestants Religion, grieuing to offer iniury to so worthy a Prince, who neuer had once motioned to haue any change in State, Common-wealth, or Religion. Shee also commended Sir H. Simier, the Duke's Agent for his modesty, and wisedome, whom some had before in malignant speeches calumniated: intimating to the people also that this Libell was a deuice of Traitors to stir vp hatred abroad, &tc seditions at home, commanding it should be burnt in the presence of Magistrates. Since that, shee begunne to bee the more displeased with Puritans then she had been before-time, [Note: The Author discouered and he that had dispersed the bookes. ] perswading her selfe that such a thing had not passed without their priuitie: and within a few dayes after, Iohn Stubbes of Lincolnes Inne, a zealous professor of Religion, the Author of this Ralatiue Pamphlet (whose Sister Thomas Cartwright the Arch-Puritan had maried) William Page the disperser of the Copies, and Singleton the Printer were apprehended: against whom sentence was giuen that their right hands should be cut off by a law in the time of Philip and MARIE, against the Authors of Seditious Writings, and those that disperse them: Some Lawyers storming hereat, said the iudgement was erroneous, and fetcht from a false obseruation of the time, wherein the Statute was made, that it was onely temporarie, and that (Queene MARIE dying) it dyed [page 16] with her. Of the which Lawyers, one Dalton for his clamorous speeches was commited to prison, and Mouson a Iudge of the Common-pleas, was sharply rebuked, and his place taken from him, after that Sir Chr. Wray chiefe Iustice of England had made it manifest by Law, that in that Statute there was no errour of time, but the Act was made against such as should put forth, or divulge any seditious writing against the King; and that the King of England neuer dyed; yea, that Statute likewise in the first yeare of Queene ELIZABETH was reuiued againe to the Queene and her Heires for euer. Not long after vpon a Stage set vp in the Market-place at Westminster, [Note: Right hands cut off. ] Stubbes and Page had their right hands cut off by the blow of a Butchers knife, with a Mallet strucke through their wrests. The Printer had his Pardon. I can remember that standing by Iohn Stubbes, so soone as his right hand was off, put off his hat with the left, and cryed aloud, God saue the Queene. The people round about him stood mute, whether stricken with feare at the first sight of this strange kinde of punishment, or for commiseration of the man whom they reputed honest, or out of a secret inward repining they had at this mariage, which they suspected would be dangerous to Religion. These things passed within a little after the Dukes ariuall in England: and whilest hee stayed here, the Queene to take away the feare conceiued by many, that Religion should change, and Papists should be tolerated by the importunity of Campian the Iesuite (of whom I haue spoken) Ralph Sherwing, Luke Kirby, and Alexander Brian, who were indicted by an Act made in the 25 of Edward the third, for attempting the ruine of the Queene and Kingdome: for adhering to the Bishop of Rome the Queenes Aduersarie; for raising sedition in her Realme, and gathering forces together, to the vtter subuersion of her Dominions, of which they were found guilty and so condemned: for that they obstinately defended the Papall Authoritie against the Queene, they were put to death. [page 17] For Campian then condemned, being demanded whether Queene ELIZABETH were right or lawfull heire? [Note: The Iesuite Edm. Campian with other Priests are put to death. ] answered nothing; and againe, If the Pope should inuade the Land whether he would take his part or the Queenes? hee openly said, the Popes, which hee testified vnder his hand-writing. After these, some others were executed for the like matters, and for ten whole yeares space together since the Rebellion but fiue Papists. But I leaue the handling hereof to the Ecclesiasticall History; neuerthelesse with permission, I will briefely here obserue and note some such occurrences, as are adioyning with those of States. These times were such, as that the Queene (who was neuer of opinion that mens consciences should bee constrained) often complained to haue beene of necessitie forced to these punishments, lest vnder a pretext of conscience, and Catholike Religion, [Note: The punishing of Catholikes needfull. ] she should endanger her selfe, and her louing subiects: neuerthelesse her Maiesty beleeued not that the most part of these poore and miserable Priests had plotted the destruction of her country; but that their Superiors made vse of them as instruments of their mischiefe: for as much as they which were sent, were wholly subiect to the power and authoritie of them which had sent them. For when as such as were now and afterwards apprehended, were demanded, [Note: Suspition of them increased. ] whether by the Authority of the Bull of Pius the fift, the Queene of Englands subiects were so freed of their Oath of Allegeance that they might take Armes against her? whether they esteemed her a lawfull Queene? whether they approued the opinions of Sanders and Bristow, touching the Authoritie of this Bul? to which partie they would incline, if the Pope should warre against the Queene? Some of them answered so doubtfully; others with such pertinacy; and some with such preuarication, [Note: By their tergiuersation. ] or keeping silence, so mocked the questions propounded to them, that diuers Papists begunne to suspect that they nourished some falshood: and Bishop although ingenious, most zealous for the Roman Religion writ against them, [page 18] shewing that this Cannon which had passed vnder the name of the Lateran Councell, vpon which was absolutely grounded the oath of absoluing subiects from their Obedience and fealty to their Princes, and for the deposing of them, was nothing else, but a Decree of Pope Innocent the 3, which neuer was receiued in England, as also that that Counsell was repeal'd and annihilated, wherein nothing was done by the Fathers of the same at that time. The more the number of the Priests comming by stealth into England increased, the more increased suspitions of them, who secretly practised to grope the hearts of men, preached that it was lawfull to depose Princes excommunicated, muttered and murmured, that such as were not of the Roman religion, were to be depriued of all regall power and Dignity, and that such as had taken religious Orders were exempt from all obedience to Princes, nor were any such held to be subiect either to them, or their lawes. That the Pope had supreme power ouer the whole world, yea euen in politick affaires. That the Magistrates of England had no lawfull institution, and therefore were not to bee obeyed as Magistrates. [Note: False positions spread abroad. ] And that whatsoeuer Queene ELIZABETH had done since the publication of the Bull Declaratory of Pius the 5, was by the Lawes of God and Man disanull'd and to be held for naught. And some of them denyed not in publike hearing, that they were sent for no other causes into England, then to absolue euery one seuerally and apart, of all oath of fidelitie and obedience towards the Queene, as the Bull had absolued all in generall, which they did in taking confessions of their reconciliation. And this they seemed to doe with more ease, in promising Absolution from all mortall sinne; and with more securitie, because it was done priuately, and vnder the Seale of Confession.
THE FIVE AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne. [Note: Booke 3. ] Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXII.THese and the like things brought vpon Papists new and sharper lawes, [Note: New Lawes against Papists. ] made by Act of Parliament at Westminster in the moneth of Ianuary, where all such were declared guilty of high Treason, which disswaded any of her Maiesties subiects fro~ their obedience to their Prince, or from the Religion now profest in England, or that should reconcile any to the Church of Rome; or which should haue beene so perswaded, turned, or reconciled. Two hundred markes fine, and a yeares imprisonment inflicted vpon those which should celebrate Masse so long till they had paid. And such as had willingly beene at any of their Masses, one hundred markes, and one yeares imprisonment: and such as were not found to resort to their owne Parish Churches to diuine seruice, for [page 20] euery moneths omission ten pounds. Which was maliciously vnderstood, and interpreted by the Papists of Lunarie months, who before had paid but one shilling to the poore for euery Sunday or Holidayes absence. But I referre it to the Ecclesiasticall Historie, to intreat of these things more at large. [Note: The Duke d' Anjou sayleth into Flanders. ] The Duke d' Anjou after some three moneths abode in England, tooke his way towards Flanders in the moneth of February. Queene ELIZABETH in person accompanied him to Canterbury: and commanded the Earle of Leicester, the Lord Charles Howard, the Barons of Hunsdon, Willoughby, Winsor, and Sheffeild; Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Russel, Sir George Bourchier Knights, and diuers other noble Gentlemen, [Note: Hee is made there Duke of Brabant, &tcc. ] to accompany him to Antwerpe; where he was created Duke of Brabant, of Lymbourg, Lotharing, &tcc. For the confederated States of Flanders had from thence proclaimed the King of Spaine falne from his Principality for infringing their Lawes; broken his Seales, cast downe his Armes, and so absolued the people from all oath of Fealtie, so that it was lawfull and free for them to elect another Prince. The Duke permitted all those the vse of the Romish Religion, which would sweare Allegeance to him, and abiure the Spaniard. After this hee betooke himselfe to the field, where he lost Aldenard, and tooke in Alost. But six hundred English souldiers exclaiming of General Norris his imperious seueritie ouer them, [Note: Certaine English reuolt from him. ] forsaking him, fled to the Spaniard, vnder the leading of Captaine T. Norris, Barney, Cornish, and Gypson, who exposing themselues to all perils, and being basely respected, were paid with slow and late repentance and infinite miseries, the paine of their perfidiousnesse. [Note: Generall Norris carieth himselfe generously, and behaueth himself valorously. ] But notwithstanding, General Norris with three hundred horse, and the rest of his foot-companies, got the renowne of a valorous and most iudicious Warriour, for his couragious encountering the Duke of Parma, who fell vpon him [page 21] with a farre greater power, the whilest he warily and wisely made his retreat into the City of Gand, in sight of the two Dukes of Anjou and Orleans, admiring his martiall valour from off the Ramparts, where they stood to behold him. But why insist I vpon these matters? The Duke d' Anjou hauing now without successe spent huge summes of money sent him out of England, weighing with himselfe that only apparant Titles were bestowed vpon him; and considering that all the managing of these matters were in the power of the States, assayed by a precipitate counsell, [Note: The Duke d'Anjou departed from Flanders with shame. ] with his Armie to enter by force Antwerpe, and some other townes; but all in vaine, and with the losse of many of his men; and shortly after was constrained shamefully to quit &tc leaue Flanders. It shall suffice to note in a word, in passing, that nere vnto CHAPELLE in the month of May, in the 12 degree of Gemini appeared a Comet or blazing starre, [Note: A Comet. ] with bright shining beames, streaming ouer the right sholder of the Dragon. About that time happened a horrible tempest in Norfolke, with fearefull flashes of lightning and thunder of long continuance, with violent furious winds, and hailstones of three inches about. Queene ELIZABETH for better security, and to fortifie her selfe the more abroad against the Spaniard, [Note: Queene Elizabeth bestoweth the Order of the Garter vpon the King of Denmarke. ] whom shee knew to be infest against her, for that she had furnished the Duke d'Anjou with moneyes, admitted into the fraternity of the order of Saint George, Frederick the second, King of Denmarke, who had alwaies shewed himselfe most affectionate towards her Maiesty; and to inuest him therewith, sent ouer Sir Peregrin Bertie, whom shee (as her Maiesty was euer nice in conferring honors) had with some difficulty, honoured with the title of Lord Willoughbey of Eresby, before he had giuen any proofe of his martiall vertue; howsoeuer the Duchesse of Suffolke his mother was daughter, and sole inheritrix to the ancient Baronry of Willoughby of Eresby. [page 22] The King of Denmark with ioyfulnesse put the [Note: Or, the Coller of Esses. ] chaine of Roses about his necke, and the Garter about his legge, the other Robes he locked vp in his Chest, but refused to put them on, because they were exotick, or to take the oath; for that he had taken one afore, when by the French King hee was installed Knight of the Order of Saint Michael. The whilest the Lord Willoughby was in Denmarke, he propounded to the King a complaint from the English Merchants, concerning the raising of Imposts and customes, for that in times past for passing the Oresunde, or straits of Denmarke, they vsed to giue for euery ship but a Rose-Noble, which made the fourth part of an ounce of gold, &tc as much for the fraught, with some smal peeces of siluer for the fire-beacons giuing light by night, vvhich vvere to direct them by their Sea-markes ouer the Shallowes, and by the Shelues, bankes, &tc Rocks. [Note: The Merchants complaint not regarded. ] He treated also for the Merchants, that the tribute vvhich they call their LAST GELT might be remitted, by the vvhich they begunne (vvhen the Warres were so hot betwixt the Kings of Denmarke and Sueden) to exact, by vvay of borrowing, the thirtieth part of all manner of Merchandizes, vvith promise to repay them, or the value of them againe, the warre once ended. But these as matters of importance vvere referred till another time. For Princes doe seldome or neuer abate of their Custome, Taxes, or Imposts, esteeming that such things as these (vvhich they call Royalties) belonging to the rightfull liberty of euery Kingdome, are not things subiect to be moderated, or abrogated by any strangers. [Note: The Treaty with the Queene of Scots is deferred. ] Queene ELIZABETH the better to secure her state at home, imployed Sir Walter Mildmay to comprimise businesse with the Queene of Scots. But finding that the Guises had consulted with certaine English Fugitiues, about the setting her at liberty, and gathering forces together, vnder the pretext of sending supplyes to the Duke of Anjou in Flanders, vvhich in very deed vvere to haue beene past ouer [page 23] from the Hauens of Aux, or Ew, (obscure harbours of Normandy) into England, which the French King hauing notice of, out of his loue to Queene ELIZABETH certifieth her thereof, and stayed them: hereupon the matter was intermitted, and the Queene of Scots affaires deferred. But by the vvay to meet with the Guises attempts in Scotland, [Note: Gowry and others begin tumults in Scotland. ] whither it is supposed he employed the Earle of Lennox, to dissolue the League betweene the King of Scots, and the English, whilest Will: Ruthen (lately created by the K. Earle of Gowry) begunne to be mutinous. He (for that hee vvould not degenerate fro~ his Father) bearing a mortall malice to the Kings Mother, together with others of his confederacie were to put in practice the best wits they had for the vvorking of the Duke of Lennox and the Earle Arran both out of the Kings fauour and company, vnder a colour of Religion, the Kings securitie, and the league of amity vvith England. Now behold their subtilty and crafty proiects. They begin to perswade Lennox vvho had been established L. High Chamberlain of Scotland, to exercise the rigor of his iurisdiction, though then out of vse, for no other purpose but to purchase his owne disgrace with the people, vvhilest the Presbytery out of their Pulpits should declaime against him as a Papist of the faction of the Guizes, and a rude and seuere Executioner of the Law; &tc should publikely foretell and denounce his ruine and destruction. When as therefore Lennox was departed from Perth where the King remained, [Note: Gowries conspiracie. They intercept the King. ] to execute his office at Edenburgh, and the Earle Arran absent from the Court, Gowrey, Marre, Lindsey, and others, taking their opportunity, inuited the King to the Castle of Ruthen, being there, they held him in such feare that hee durst not walke abroad: such of his seruants as he thought best of, they sent away: the E. of Arran they arrested and cast into prison, [Note: The Duke of Lennox driuen out of Scotland ] and compelled the King by the intercession of Queen ELIZABETH, to recal the Earl of Angus out of exile, and to sends the Duke of Lenox into France, who as he was a Noble [page 24] man of milde disposition, and altogether inclin'd to the publike peace and good of the Land, by the Kings perswasion, but their impulsion, although he might easily haue stood vpon his guard, and withstood them, departed quietly from Dunbriton, where he tooke shipping for France. Not content with this, they forced the King by his Letters to signifie to Queene ELIZABETH this his interception, and that it was a meeting made by his willing consent with some of his Lords, concerning speciall businesses. But Buchanan they could not possibly perswade to approue this Act, or by composing any booke of this subiect, nor by perswasions of a messenger; but he wept bitterly and sorrowed grieuously, that he had to-fore taken the Rebels part against the Prince, and soone after dyed. A man (as himselfe sings in his Poems) though borne in a countrey barren for learning, yet hee attained to the soueraigne degree of Poesie; so as by right hee ought to bee accounted the Prince of Poets of our age. [Note: An Embassie from the French King, sent to deliuer the King of Scots. ] The French King hauing had certaine intelligence of the passages in Scotland, sendeth both with one message Mons: de la Moteff through England, and Mons: de Manninguille by Sea into Scotland, by all possible means to haue the King set at liberty, to confirme the French faction, to draw the King into loue &tc amity with France, and to let him vnderstand, that his mother to make him be knowne true and legitimate King by Christian Princes, and all Scotland, setting aside all partialitie, out of her motherly piety and indulgence yeelded him freely the title of the Kingdome; and admitted him into the society freely to Raigne. Shee (distressed Queene) in the meane time, afflicted with many miseries, the calamities of a prison, &tc in indurance, without hope of deliuery, bewayled the dismall fortunes of the King her sonne with her owne, in a large Letter written in French to Queene ELIZABETH, which the tender loue of a mother, and the disquietnesse of her Spirit, extorted from her, [page 25] the which out of the originall Copy of her owne handwriting, I haue more briefely recollected, as followed. AFter I was certainly informed, [Note: Mary Q. of Scotland, her Letter to Quene Elizabeth. ] that my sonne was intercepted and detained in captiuitie (as my selfe haue beene for some yeares) a sudden feare suggested into my minde, that hee, and I were to drinke of one cup of sorrow: I cannot therefore in opening my sad afflicted heart, but vtter my anguish, to imprint them if it may be vpon yours, offer the same to your conscionable commiseration, that the ages to come may know my innocency, and their tyrannie, by whose meanes I endure these intolerable indignities. But for that, their subtil plots and mischieuous practices haue all this while been preferd with you before my iust complaint, it being in your gracious power to doe equity and iustice, where violence treadeth downe vertue, and might suppresseth right: I doe appeale vnto God immortall, whom alone I know to haue power ouer vs; Princes coequall in right and honour, and him (in whom there is no place for fraud, or falshood) I will inuoke, that at the last day hee will recompence vs according to our demerits, howsoeuer my Aduersaries the whilest haue cautelously cloaked their treacheries from men (and perhaps from you. [Note: The Q. of Scots deploreth her sons intercepting, and her owne desolation. ] ) I beseech you now then in the name of God, and by his all-powerfull Maiestie I adiure you, to call to minde, how cunningly some sent forth in your name to me, could stirre vp the Scots my subiects, whilest I liued with them, into open rebellion against me, and haue been the first mouers of all the mischiefe, which euer since hath hapned in that countrey, as euidently appeareth by sundry plain testimonies [page 26] thereof, and Mortons confession from his own mouth, who for such matters gr[...]w vp to great honors, whom if I could haue prosecuted, according to his desert; and if your assisting the Rebels had not b[...]en they could neuer haue stood vp so long against mee, and my friends, as they did. When I was detained Prisoner in Lake-Leuin, Sir Nich. Throckmorton, was the first that came to me in your name, who perswaded me to quit the Kingdome vnd[...]r Letters Patents, signed with my hand (which he assured me should be of no effect, as all the world knoweth them so to be) vntill that you had assisted the Authors of these Letters, with your fauour and Armes. But say in good sooth, would you acknowledge that your subiects should haue such power ouer you? The regall power I had in the meane time, by your aide &tc aduice, was taken from me, to be conferred on my sonne, a yong child, by reason of his Infant-age vnfit to manage the administration of a Kingdome. And when as of late, I determined to make him a lawfull resignation, for the certaine establishing of him in the Kingdome, hee was by force of Armes caried violently away by Traitors; who, doubtlesse had no other intent, then to depriue him (as they did me) of the Crowne, and perhaps of his life. After I got out of Lake-Leuin, and was to raise Armes for the suppressing of the Rebels, I sent you then the Diamond, which formerly you had giuen me, as a pledge of mutuall loue betwixt vs, when you made me many large promises, and faithfull protestations to succour and support me against the Rebels, when also you promised, that if I should come towards you, you would meet me in person vpon the frontiers, and would assist me. I relying vpon these promises so often and so seriously iterated (although your messengers had many times before deluded me) resolued to resort to you, as to [page 27] a Sanctuary. And assuredly, I had come, had I but found the way as open to me, and as easie to passe, as it was for those who reuolted against me. But before I could come at you, I was arrested vpon the way, guarded with troops of men, shut vp in strong places, and since that time haue endured things worse then death. I know you will obiect some intercourses of businesse haue past betwixt the Duke of Norfolke and me; but I assure you there hath neuer any thing past, preiudiciall to you or your Kingdome, as also your chiefe Counsellors haue giuen approbation thereto, as I can proue, who likewise promised mee by the way of attestation to procure your consent. And how I pray you should these so great persons promise your consent to a thing which might despoile you of honour, life, and Diadem? And notwithstanding, you would that euery one should be so perswaded. Besides, as diuers of the Rebels, by a tardy repentance re-aduising themselues, and by a Commission held betwixt our Deputies at Yorke, vnderstood how wickedly they had dealt with me, they being besieged with your Souldiers in Edenburgh-Castle, [Note: Lidington and de Grange. ] two of the principall dyed miserably; the one by poison, the other in a halter. And that came to passe, for that twice I had dismist the Armies at your request, in hope of peace, which God knowes, whether euer my Aduersaries once haue thought on. Since that, I had resolued to try whether patience can haue power to conquer cruelty, in suffering all extremities that can be imposed on a poore Prisoner. All conference with my sonne by Letters or Messengers, for this yeare, hath been denyed me, renting if it were possible the sonne from the mother by a sad separation of spirits. I haue often propounded Articles of peace and concord [page 28] to bee confirmed betwixt vs at Chatesworth by the most Christian Kings Ambassadors eleuen yeares agone, both to your Deputies, and to your selfe, and by my owne the last yeare, I dealt sincerely with Beal. But these profers were still reiected, delayes interpos'd, my best meaning euer suspected, and the affection of my true-intending heart continually condemned. Nor haue I reaped any other fruit by my long suffering, but that by a Prescription, I am dayly handled worse and worse, not indeed as a Prisoner, but as some abiect seruant of base condition. But truely I cannot longer endure these indignities, howsoeuer the matter shall fall out, if I die, I will manifest the Authors of my death; if I liue, I shall so effect (I hope) that the malicious practices of my Aduersaries shall dye, and passe the remainder of my dayes in more tranquilitie. Wherefore, to take away all occasions of scandall betwixt vs, let the testimonies of the Spaniards, which were lately taken in Ireland, and all the examinations of the Iesuites be produced against mee. Let mee be arraigned openly, come in who can to accuse me, prouided withall I may haue the liberty to defend my selfe, and not be condemned before I be heard. The malefactors and vilest Prisoners are permitted to defend themselues and to confront their accusers. Why then am I denyed this lawfull libertie, being an anointed Queene, your nearest Kinswoman, and the next lawfull heire to your Kingdome? But this last is that excruciates my Aduersaries, whose chiefest studies are bent to breed debate betwixt vs. Alas, alas! and why should this vex or afflict my enemies, when as I protest before God, and on my honour, I haue not thought this long time of any Kingdome but that of heauen. Neuerthelesse, you are bound by oath, royall duty, and Iustice, not to disturbe or impeach, after my death, my sonnes most certaine [page 29] Right, nor to abett, or aide those which seriously and secretly labour his ruine, both in England and Scotland, as is too-too well knowne by the dealings of your Ambassadors in Scotland, who haue dealt (no doubt without your priuity) most treacherously with me, and all by the Earle of Huntingdons setting on. Is there any iust dealing in this, that a Mother should not be suffered to succour her sonne in distresse? nay, not so much as to be let vnderstand how he doth? If such as you sent for my sonnes good, had taken my aduice by the way, they would haue beene the welcomer to him, and I the more obliged to you; nor was there any reason you should so long conceale their goings thither, nor then keepe mee so straightly shut vp: but to speake freely, I beseech you let no more such be imployed for Scotland. Thus much I dare promise my selfe, that Hunsdon will doe nothing but that standeth with his honour, nor Huntingdon any thing may tend to my good, for that which he hath already practised against me. I entreat you therefore by the bond of that consanguinitie which is betwixt vs, to bee circumspect for the safety of my sonne, not to intermeddle your selfe with the businesses of Scotland, before you haue consulted with mee and the King of France, and hold all those for Traitors which keepe my sonne in hold, not suffering him to goe any where, but at their pleasure. In fine, I coniure you by the Crosse and Passion of Christ our Redeemer, that after so many yeares of desolation, I hauing libertie, may vpon iust tearmes, be suffered to retire my poore weake body into some quiet place out of England, there to refresh mee before my death, after the long and loathsome time of my imprisonment. This doing, you shall eternally oblige vnto you me and mine, but aboue all my sonne. Nor wil I euer [page 31] cease to craue this, till you haue granted it me, my indisposition enforcing this importunity. Let mee be vsed hereafter a little more gently, otherwise I shall not be able to endure; nor put mee off, to the disposing of any, but of your selfe. What good or euill hereafter shall betyde me, I will impute all to you, vouchsafe mee this fauour, to let me know your pleasure, either by your letter, or by the French Ambassador. I can repose no confidence in those things, which the Earle of Shrewsbury hath imparted vnto me, they are so mutable. I writ of late to your Councell, but you sent me word, to acquaint none but your selfe with my businesse: for there was no equity in it, in giuing them so much power to afflict me. And I cannot apprehend it otherwise, but that some ill-willers of mine, were the occasioners of it, for feare that others, duly considering my iust complaints, in regard of your honor, &tc their duties, should haue opposed the~selues. And now the last thing I am to desire, is, that I may haue some reuerend Catholicke Priest to instruct me in Religion, for the saluation of my soule. This is a last duty not to be denyed to wretches of meanest ranck. You suffer the Ambassadors of foraigne Princes to vse their Religion, and my selfe sometimes haue granted toleration of seuerall professions to my subiects: If this be denyed mee, I hope to bee excused before God, and I feare mine Aduersaries shall not passe vnpunished. Assuredly it will be a president to other Christian Princes to exercise the like seuerity amongst their subiects of different Religions, if this bee offered me, an absolute Princesse, &tc of your nearest alliance. As I am, I will euer be affected to you, in despight of my Aduersaries; and stomacke they me neuer so much. I desire not to haue my family increased, but I vpon necessity intreat to retain two of my maid-seruants to attend me in my sicknesse: let not mine enemies asswage their cruelty [page 32] vpon me, in causing me to bee denied so small an office of humanity. Whereas I am taxed by the Earle of Shrewsbury, to haue dealt otherwise (then I promised Beal) in surrendring my title in Scotland to my son, without your priuity: Beleeue not Beals suggestions, for I past no promise, but vpon certaine conditions, which I am not bound to performe on my part, vnlesse they be performed on yours: I haue yet receiued no answer thereof, and they haue beene long time silent; but for all that, in Scotland they haue not ceased their trecherous practizes to the ruine both of me, and my son; I cannot take this long silence, but for a deniall, and so I haue certified your Councell by Letters. That which the King of France, and the Queene his mother haue communicated to me, haue I sincerely communicated to you, and required your aduice, but you haue not vouchsafed me one word in writing, or by word of mouth: I cannot before I shall know what it is, submit my selfe to your Councell, concerning my affaires and Country; for that were extreame indiscretion. You know how my Aduersaries triumph in Scotland both ouer mee, and my imprisoned son: I haue attempted nothing in Scotland to your preiudice, but to stablish a solide peace in the Realme, hauing by so much the more a greater care then your Councellors, by how much my interest there, is more then theirs. I haue desired to gratifie my son with the title of King, to confirme him, and to burie all discords. Is that to take the Diadem from him? But the enemies of me, and my family, will not haue it confirmed: It is that that they dread, whilst they carie in their heart a witnesse against themselues, &tc finding themselues culpable of euills apprehend they should bee dealt with accordingly. Let not these, and others my aduersaries so blind your eyes, that during your life, and in your sight, they shall [page 32 (sic 33)] beare downe your nearest kindred, and ruinate both the Crownes: as to that end they are plotting villanies against me, against my son, and perhaps against you also. Can it be any pleasure, or honor to you, that I and my son, that you and we are by their meanes so long seeluded, and kept asunder? Resume your naturall goodnesse and meeknesse, oblige your selfe to your selfe, and seeing you are a Princesse, be tender hearted to me a Princesse, the nearest of your consanguinity, that all things being set in quiet betwixt vs, I may passe the more peacefully out of this life, and that the sighes and sobbes of my afflicted soule ascend not to God on high. To whose diuine power I present my daily prayers, that these my iust complaints, and sorrowfull laments my take place with you. From Sheffield, 8. Nouemb. 1582. Vostre tres-desole plus proche parente, &tc affectionne soeur MARIE R:
THE SIXE AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne. [Note: Booke 3. ] Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXIII.ELIZABETH Queen of England being sundry wayes moued with these Letters (after she had giuen permission to the French Ambassador La Mottef, together with Dauison her owne Ambassador, to goe into Scotland; and had chosen out a time, wherin he might opportunely meet with the Duke of Lenox vnawares, then returning out of Scotland) she her selfe kindely receiued Lenox, [Note: The Duke of Lenox's returne through England. ] yet gently blaming him for being somwhat slack in the Scottish affaires; and forthwith sent Beale Clerke of her Priuie Councell, for the dispatch of her Letters, (being indeed a man very austere and sharpe) to the Queene of Scots, to manifest the discontent [page 34] of Queene ELIZABETH at the sight of her complaining Letters, and by the same meanes to treat with the Earle of Shrewsbury concerning her enlargement, because she oftentimes before, with sundry Letters had sollicited for it, and intreated that shee might yet at last (her security being established to her) inioy her libertie, and be an associate with her sonne, in the administration of Scotland. Vpon these things was the Priuy Councell of England assembled: where after serious debating, and deliberate consultations, it was at length agreed that the Queene of Scots should be set at libertie vnder these following conditions: [Note: It is consulted about the deliuery of the Q. of Scots. ] THat if she and her sonne would promise, not to enterprise any thing to the preiudice of Queene ELIZABETH, or the Realme of England. That shee would confesse, that whatsoeuer Francis the second, King of France her husband, had vndertaken and performed, was altogether against her will and liking; and that shee would disproue and disanull it as vniust. That shee would confirme the Treaty holden at Edenbourgh. That shee would freely and ingenuously confesse and discouer all other complots &tc intendments which were since that time forged; and would vtterly condemne the same. That if shee would enter into obligation not to plot or doe any thing, directly or indirectly, to the impeachment of the gouernment, or administration of the Kingdome of England, either in things Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill; but to resist and hinder all those that should undertake (in what manner so euer any thing to the contrary, and to withstand them as enemies. That she would not during the life of Queene ELIZABETH claime any Right or Title to the Kingdome of England, and after her death to submit and referre the right of succession to the iudgement of the Estates. If she also, to cut off all equiuocations, and mentall [page 35] reseruations, and to forestall all pretended excuses, (that shee as a Prisoner accorded and condiscended to these conditions, or being in a manner constrained) would confirme all these by her aoth, and the publique authoritie of the States of Scotland. If the King likewise would ratifie the self-same conditions both by oath and writing, and for the more assurance would deliuer hostages for the performance. As concerning the association which the Queene of Scots demanded to haue with her sonne in the gouernment of the Kingdome, it was holden expedient by the Councell, that the Queene of England should not intermeddle therewith. But if they could agree vpon the association between themselues, then should the League be ioyntly treated of with them both; but if otherwise, then apart with either seuerally. Thus these things were debated on; [Note: The Scots of the English faction are against it. ] yet without any successe. For the Scots which were of the English faction, altogether reiected them, crying out aloud, that certaine Scots sworne enemies to England, by the Councell of the Queene of Scots, were recalled out of France, and that Holt an English Iesuite was secretly sent into Scotland, there to attend a fit opportunitie to inuade England. [Note: The English and French in emulation, striue to obtaine the fauor of the King of Scotland. ] Then there arose strife betweene Monsieur de La Mottef, and Monsieur de Maninguill Ambassadors of France of the one part, and Bowes and Dauison Ambassadors for England on the other side, which of them by insinuating should induce the King to the greater affectation of their Nation, or purchase the greater number to their party, vntill at length that with oblique designes they ingenuously became Counsellors either to other. The King himselfe became as it were Mediator, and knowing how to temper things honest with things profitable, without prouing any way deficient either to the Church or the Common-wealth, hee wisely endeuoured rather to calme the raging stormes of these factions then intermeddle with [page 36] them. But the Ministers of Scotland, being by a certaine zeale prouoked against the French; vpon the same day that La Mottef was by the Citizens of Edenborough inuited to a Feast, appointed a Fast; and the whole day vvith taunts and mocks, derided and scoffed the King of France, the Duke of Guise and the Ambassadors. And as the Ministers did this openly; so certain of the Scotch Nobilitie, (parties with the English) ceased not to persecute the French Ambassadors secretly in such sort, that first La Mottef retired himselfe, and after him Maninguil; leauing notwithstanding some certaine seeds of discord amongst those who had seaz'd and kept the Kings Person. [Note: The King of Scotland seekes the loue of the Queene of England. ] As soone as they were departed, the King presented by Colonell Stuart, and I. Coluil, all affection and seruice to the Queene of England, requesting her counsell for the allaying of troubles, and also for the contracting of a mariage. But then those that were keepers or detainers of the Kings person, seeing that the French Ambassadors were departed out of Scotland, began to take courage, which after was increased by the death of the Duke of Lenox: who finding small comfort from the French King, that then was intangled with diuers intestine troubles, and striuing likewise to please Queene ELIZABETH, [Note: The Lord Esme Stuart Duke of Lenox reputed a Papist by some malicious ill-willer of his, dyed at Paris a true and sincere Protestant. ] departed this life at Paris: and by the testimonies which he gaue on his death-bed, being at the point of death, in the presence of all the assistants, hee declared himselfe to be truely of the Protestants Religion, confuting and conuicting the malice of those that had falsely accused him to be a Papist. This the death of Lenox, much secured those that detained the King, who reioyced for the still retaining of him in their power: whereupon they began to exult. But see, they little suspecting any such matter, the King, although he had scarce yet attained to the age of eighteene yeares, disdaining to submit himselfe any longer to the rule and gouernment of three Earles, being an absolute King of himselfe: as he before-times [page 37] had giuen way to the time; so now finding a time opportune to his purpose, he set himself at liberty, [Note: The King of Scotland sets himselfe at libertie. ] and with a few selected men retired himselfe to the Castle of Saint Andrewes, taking occasion by a rumour that was spread, that the Nobilitie disagreeing amongst themselues, had brought with them seuerall troopes of Souldiers into that part of the Country, there to hold an assembly which hee appointed, fearing lest he amongst these tumultuous iarres should be exposed to some vnexpected danger. And to that effect he dispatcht Letters to Queene ELIZABETH, wherein hee promised to entertaine a constant league of amitie with her, and to embrace her counsell in the establishment of his affaires; excusing himselfe that these things fell out so suddenly, and vnawares to him, that it was not possible for him to giue her notice thereof sooner. Afterwards, [Note: His Maiesty vseth kindly those who formerly had seaz'd themselues of his Royal person. ] vsing gentler speeches, and milde perswasions, shewing an affable countenance to those that were his guardians, he admonished them, for the better shunning of turmoyles, to retire from the Court, promising to them his gracious fauour and pardon, if so be they would intreat it. Of these Gowry onely asked pardon, and submitted himselfe, vsing this small distinction, That he had offended not in matter, but in forme. [Note: Cals to the Court all such Nobles as stood and were of his side. ] After this, he call'd backe the Earle of Arran to the Court, accepting him for one of his fauourites, much labouring to establish the hearts of his Nobilitie in a mutuall peace and amitie, and to purge both the kingdome and the Court from intestine iarres and discord. Whilst he was thus busied continually in these matters, [Note: Walsingham is sent into Scotland from Q. Elizabeth ] there ariued at his Court Sir Francis Walsingham, sent from the Queene of England, out of her earnest loue &tc great care that she alwaies had of him, lest by ill counsels, being of a flexible age, he should bee diuerted from the amity of England, which would bee to the preiudice of both the Kingdomes. Walsingham at his ariuall found the King accompanied with the chiefe and flower of his Nobility, and the [page 38] affaires of Scotland better setled then hee expected. Being receiued &tc admitted, after much discourse he rehearst those admonitio~s take~ out of Isocrates which the Queen before in her letters had instructed him with: That he which commands ought so to cherish truth, as to giue more credit to its simple affirmation then to the oaths of others: That he should take heed of euill counsellours, remaining still constant &tc alway like himselfe. [Note: The King of Scotland answers him freely. ] The King made this free and hearty reply: That what he writ more then his thoughts meaning, was against his will, much refusing, yet inforced by the compulsion of others, that he being a free Prince, ought not to bee reduced to such streights that others should force counsellors vpon him, whom hee altogether misliked: That he had done nothing but for his owne honour and safeguard: That the pledge of his loue, which he before had vowed to his indeared Sister the Queene of England, hee now freely and deseruedly offered; and that now hee could produce more fairer fruits of amitie, being obeyed of all his Nobilitie then before when he himselfe was made obedient to one and to another, and rul'd as it were rather by intreating, then by power or commandement. [Note: Walsingham [...]emonstrations to his sacred Maiestie. ] After this, Walsingham requested the King not to impute to Queene ELIZABETH any thing that had happened in Scotland, shewing him how good &tc profitable their friendship had hitherto been, and how expedient both for himselfe as also for either Kingdome, if so bee shee suffered no neglect, but were firmely assured; and if the differences and contentions which happened amongst the Nobility of Scotland were but for a certaine Amnestia abolished by the authority of the Parliament: that those that were remoued from the Court should bee taken into grace: that Religion should be conserued entire in it selfe; and a firme league established betwixt the two Kingdomes. Neither was Walsingham any way defectiue in the distribution of his money amongst the Kings Officers and Attendants, that by their meanes hee might effect these things. The King thus modestly [page 39] replyed: That he willingly embraced the friendship of England, and would not be wanting in any obseruance towards the Queene; but most constantly defend the Religion receiued. [Note: The King answered them. ] With this answer he graciously discharged Walsingham, notwithstanding he suspected him to be transported both against himselfe, and his mother, and with an intentiue prouidence, beyond the expectation of his yeares, [Note: The King propounds a Pardon, to those who had seaz'd themselues of his person ] hee managed his affaires, and proposed to the great praise of his clemencie, letters of grace to all those that had seized his person, if they within a time prefixt would come and intreat pardon. But so farre they were from asking it, that they priuatly tooke counsell together, and complotted how they might haue him againe vnder their power; which was the cause that he presently commanded them within a certaine time to leaue the Kingdome: [Note: Hee commands such as refus'd it to void the Kingdome. ] whereupon some retired them to one part, and some to another; that is to say, Marre, Glan, Boide, Zester-wemi, and Loch-leuin into Flanders; Dunfermelin into France, and Angus was confined to Angus within certaine prescribed limits. Onely Gowry hatching in his braines new stratagems, remained in the Realme beyond the prefixed day; but to his owne confusion, as hereafter shall be recited. Thus those that before had driuen the Duke of Lenox out of Scotland, [Note: His Maiesty re-established the Reputation and Honor of the Duke of Lenox, causing likewise his children to returne into Scotland. ] were within the reuolution of the same yeare themselues expulst the Land. And the King to whom Lenox in his life time was much indeared, and beloued, after his death cherishing the memory of his goodnesse, he reestablished, and vnclouded his reputation, by suppressing certaine defamatory bookes, which some malignant persons had dispersed to eclipse his worth and vertues; he likewise recalled his children out of France; confirmes his sonne Lodowicke in his fathers honors; and his daughters after they were growne to ripe yeares, he preferred them in mariage; one with the Lord Marquesse of Huntley; the other, with the Earle of Marre. And that he might shew himselfe a King by [page 40] exercising in due time his authoritie, whereas those of the conspiracie had declared in a publike assembly, instituted by their authoritie, that the arrest &tc detaining of his person was iustly &tc lawfully performed, and therupon enrolled the said Declaration amongst the publike Registers: the King on the contrary, [Note: The Ministers are against the King of Scotlands Authoritie. ] in a generall assembly of the Nobilitie and States, declared that it was traiterously done. Notwithstanding, the Ministers, as the supreme Iudges of the Realme, pronounced in a Synode conuocated by their authoritie, that it was most iust, and did hold it fit that those which would not approue thereof, should vndergoe the censure of Excommunication. [Note: Q. Elizabeth obtaineth of the Musconian Emperor a peace for the King of Sweden. ] In those dayes the warres betwixt the Emperor of Muscouia, and the King of Swethland vnder the Artique Circle, must not be left to obliuion. Iohn King of Swethland perceiuing his powers farre too weake to resist so great an Emperor, sent in Noble Embassie towards Queen ELIZABETH, H. of Wissembourg his neere kinsman, and A. Rich his Secretarie, by Letters to request her Maieesty to intercede by Ambassage to the Emperour for the conclusion of a peace betweene them. [Note: That Emperor requires an absolute alliance with England, being a suter to her Maiesty, to grant him an English Lady for his wife. ] Which she presently vndertooke, and without delay performed so well, that with reasonable conditions she induc'd the Muscouit to a composition of peace: who forthwith treated with her concerning the alliance, of which I haue often made mention, and that hee might bee allow'd refuge and a retreat into England, if any disastrous aduersity should fall vpon him: likewise he desired a Wife should be giuen him out of England. But Sir Hierome Bowes, Knight, being sent Embassadour, found it a difficult matter to content the Emperour. For the Muscouite most importunately laboured for an absolute league in such tearmes as hee himselfe should set downe; [Note: Sir Hierome Bowes is sent Ambassador to him from England. ] neither would hee giue any hearing to any remonstrances which hee propos'd, that it was not the duty of a Christian, neither would the Law of Nations permit, that hostile enmities should bee denounced, and [page 41] practised; or open warres begunne, before the party from whom the wrong proceeded, were admonished to repaire the iniury, and desist from it. The Queene appointed the Sister of the Earle of Huntington to be giuen as a Wife to him. But when shee was certified, that the Lawes of his Countrey would permit him at his own pleasure to repudiate and put away his wiues; Shee excused the matter by the sicklinesse of the maid, and by the loue of her father, that was not able to beare the absence of his Daughter in a Country so farre distant. And also that it was not in her power to dispose of in mariage, the daughters of any of her subiects, without their parents consents. Neuerthelesse, the Ambassador so farre preuailed, that the establishing of the Merchants priuiledge, was granted. [Note: The Emperor died. ] But death taking away the Emperour, the yeare following, the affaires of the English beganne by little and little to returne towards Russia, and the Ambassador returning, not without much danger of his life, was with much commendation kindly receiued of the Queene. Hee was the first that brought into England, where the like was neuer seene (if an Historian may with good leaue make mention of so small a thing) a beast called Maclis, which is a creature likest to an Al~e, [Note: A certaine kind of Deere called Maclis. ] very swift, and without ioynts. And moreouer, certain Deere of wonderfull swiftnesse, which being yoakt and driuen, will with much speed draw men vp and downe in Chariots like horses. But to returne againe to the affaires of Muscouia, [Note: Theodore the New Emperor of Muscouia disallow'd the company or Monopolie of Englands Merchants. ] Theodore Iohannide, sonne to Iohn Basil, succeeded in this great Empire; a Prince by nature of a slow capacity, yet he knew well how to follow the aduice of his best Counsellors. Hee gaue free passage to all Merchants of all Countries into Russia; and being oftentimes sollicited by the Queene of England to confirm the priuiledges granted by his father to the Muscouian Company of English Merchants, importing thus, [page 42] that it might not be lawfull but to the English of the said society, to land vpon the North coasts of Russia, and there to exercise their traffique, without paying of any tribute or custome, because they were the first by sea that found a way to those parts. Hee againe requested that all the English in generall might be suffered to traffique in Russia, esteeming it iniustice to giue leaue to some, and forbid others, saying, that Princes should beare an equall hand amongst their subiects, &tc not conuert into a Monopoly, or the particular profit of some few men that commerce by which the right of Nations ought to be common to all. And as for the custom hee promised to take by the halfe lesse of them of that societie, then of others. Other priuiledges hee added in fauour of the Queene, and not for the desert (as hee said) of that society, of which, some he hath obserued that haue euilly dealt with his subiects. Other answer could the Queene by no meanes procure, or obtaine; albeit shee afterwards sent about the same affaires Egide Fletcher Doctor of the Law, who set forth a booke called, The policy or tyrannie of the Russian, wherein were contained many things worthy observation, but it was presently supprest, lest it should breed offence to a princely friend. [Note: Alberto Alasco a Polonian Nobleman came then to England to see Queen Elizabeth. ] The same Summer came from Poland, neighbouring vpon Russia, into England, to visit the Queene, one Albret Alasco, Count Palatine of Sirad, a man most learn'd, of comly stature and lineaments, wearing his Beard long, richly cloathed, and of gracefull behauiour: the Queene with much bounty and loue receiued him; the Nobles with great honour and magnificence entertained him; and the Vniuersitie of Oxford with learned recreations, and diuers pastimes delighted him; but after a while finding himselfe ouercharged vvith debt, [Note: A wonderfull and fearfull Earthquake in Dorsetshire. ] he priuily stole away. In this yeare also was seene in Dorset-shire a thing no lesse prodigious, then that which was seene in the yeare 1571 in Herefordshire. A field of three Acres situated in [page 43] Blackmore, both with trees and hedges was remoued out of its owne place into another, leauing in its stead a huge vaste gappe, but the high-way leading to Cerne shut vp; whether this was by some subterranean earthquake, such wherewith (as Seneca reporteth) the heads of the gods in the bed of Iupiter were turned into the contrary parts: or out of too much moistnesse, caused by the springs abundantly flowing in those parts, the field being situate in the side of a Hill, let others make enquirie. This was the last yeare to Thomas Ratcliffe, [Note: The death of Thomas Ratcliffe, Earle of Sussex. ] being of that Family the third Earle of Sussex, a man of haughty courage, exquisit counsell, of a singular faith towards his Countrie, and of an illustrious Progeny. He had to his Mother the Daughter of the Duke of Norfolke; for his Grandmother, the daughter to the Duke of Buckingham, Constable of England. Himselfe also had past through many great honorable imploiments. As being sent Ambassador by Queene MARIE into Germany to the Emperor Charles the fifth, to contract a mariage betweene her and Philip. Then againe into Spaine to the said Philip, there to cause him to ratifie the conuented Articles. Also for Queene ELIZABETH he went Ambassador to the Emperour Maximilian, there likewise to contract a match betweene her and Charles Duke of Austria. Hee was Lord Deputy of Ireland, Gouernor of the Northerne Prouinces of England; also the Queenes Chamberlaine, chiefe Iustice in Eire of all her Maiesties Forests, Parkes and Chases beyond the Riuer Trent; famous for the victories hee had obtained against the Hebrides and Scots that made spoile of the frontiers. Dyed at London, after he had been afflicted with a long disease, leauing no issue behinde him; albeit hee had had two wiues, the Lady Elizabeth Wriothesly, and the Lady Francis Sidney; and his brother Henry succeeded him in the Earledome. Henry Wriothesly likewise, Earle of Southampton, paid [page 44] like tribute vnto death, a man much deuoted to the Roman Religion, [Note: Likewise the decease of Henry Wriothesly Earle of Southhampton. ] and to the Queene of Scots, which hee bought with the anger of his Queene, and restraint or libertie. He was sonne to Tho: Wriothesly (who for his tryed vertues by Henry the 8, from the dignitie of Baron of Wriothesly of Tichfield, and Knight of the Order of the Garter, was aduanced to that soueraigne greatnesse of being Chancelor of England, and appointed him one of the supervisors of his last Will. And by Edward the 6, he was graced with the style of Earle of Southampton.) Hee left by his Wife, Daughter of Anthony Browne, Viscount Mountague, Henry his sonne that succeeded him, and a Daughter maried to Thomas Lord Arundel, Baron of Wardour. [Note: Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, drowned vpon the Sea by shipwracke. ] About the same time Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight, a man acute and deliberate, esteemed industrious both in Peace and Warre, was by the raging Ocean depriued of life, returning from the North parts of America, which we call New-found-Land: whither he a little before, hauing sold his patrimonie, made a voyage in hope to build there a Colonie. And there by the sound of a Trumpet proclaimed the Countrey to be vnder the English regency. [Note: It is a most difficult matter, and a very hard thing to bring the Colonies in farre countries. ] (For Sebastian Cabot in the yeare 1497, vnder the Reigne of Henry the 7, made the first discouery therof.) And then diuided the Land seuerally to his companions. But he was taught (too late) by the deuouring seas, and default of meanes, which forc'd him to breake off his designes, teaching others also by his example, that it is a matter of greater difficulty, by the expences of a priuate man to plant a Colony in farre distant Countries; then he and others, blind in their owne errors, haue to their vtter ouerthrow perswaded themselues. [Note: The death of Edmund Grindal, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury ] Vpon the same instant, Edmund Grindal Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropolitan and Primate of England, being blind, and aged aboue sixty yeares breathed his last. Who at his returne from exile, which hee endured vnder the Reigne of Queene MARY, was first inuested Bishop of London, then [page 45] Archbishop of Yorke, and finally of Canterbury, liuing much honoured with the fauour of Queene ELIZABETH, vntill by the foule deceits and treacheries of his enemies hee was suspected to be a fauourer of the Conuenticles of those turbulent Ministers, and such as were called Prophets. But the reason was indeed, because hee condemned as vnlawfull the mariage of Iulius an Italian Physician, with another mans wife, which much distasted the Earle of Leicester. [Note: A wood called Tamarin first brought into England. ] Such small meanes as he had gathered, he bestowed in the founding of a Schoole at Saint Bee in Cumberland, where hee was borne, and to the aduancement of Learning on both the Vniuersities. The English besides is bound to him for the bringing in of Tamariske, or Tamarin into England: for hauing found by experience that it was a soueraigne remedie against the great and indurate passion of the Spleene, hee was the first that caused it to be planted there. Iohn Whitgift was his successor, [Note: Iohn Whitgift is preferred to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury. ] being aduanced from the Sea of Worcester, to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury, a man of singular goodnesse and learning. He obtained much commendation for his Iustice in the precedencie of Wales, and likewise for his great doctrine in the defence of the Ecclesiasticall policy, which by his worth, wisedome and patience, he dayly increased. The Queene, (who held for a maxime, that she ought not to be more remisse in Ecclesiasticall affaires then in politick) aboue all co~manded him to re-establish the discipline of the Church of England, that as then lay dismembred by the conniuency of Prelates, the obstinacie of innouators, and by the power of some great ones, whilst some Ministers couertly impugned the authoritie of the Queene in things Ecclesiasticall, separating the administration of the Sacrament from the preaching of the Word; vsing to their owne fantasie new rites of seruices in their priuate houses, vtterly condemning the Lethargie, and the appointed manner of adminishing the Sacrament, as being [page 46] in many things contrarie to the holy Scripture; and therefore many refused to goe to Church, but openly became Schismaticks: the Papists all this while applauding them, and drawing many to their party, as though there had been no vnity in the Church of England. To abolish which things, and to reduce them to an vnitie: Hee propounded these Articles to the Ministers, by them to bee subscribed. [Note: He endeuored to vnite the English Church. ] FIrst, That the Queene had Soueraigne power ouer all those that were borne within her Dominions, of what conditions so euer they were; and that no other Stranger, Prince, or Prelate, ought to haue any power, either Ciuill, or Ecclesiasticall, within her Maiesties Realmes. Secondly, that the Booke of Common Prayers, and that of the ordination of Bishops and Priests, contained not any thing contrarie to the Word of God, but might be lawfully vsed; and that they should vse that and no other forme of Prayer or administring of the Sacraments. Thirdly, That they should approue and allow of the Articles of the Synode holden at London, the yeare 1562, published by royall Authoritie, and should hold them as conformable to the Word of God. But it is incredible what Controuersies and Disputations arose vpon this: what hatred and reproach hee endured of the factious Ministers: what troubles and iniuries hee suffered of certaine Noblemen; who by placing men vnfit in the Church increased their estate, or else had hopes vpon the goods of the Church. But by his constancie, and patience, he ouercame all difficulties, vsing for his Motto this, which he chose not rashly: Vincit qui patitur. [page 47] Neither was the Church onely tossed and turmoiled by those people within the Realme: but by others, who had left the Kingdome; as by R. Browne, a Cambridge Diuine, of whom the new Sectaries were called Brownists: [Note: Brownist Schismatiques. ] and by R. Harison, Master of an inferiour Schoole. For these men presuming to iudge of Religion, according to their owne imaginations; by certaine books which they set forth at that time in the Countrey of Zealand, and dispersed through many places in England, vtterly condemned the Church of England as no Church. Which bookes, notwithstanding, were prohibited by Royall Authoritie, and strongly confuted by many learned men, and two of the same sect also put to death at Saint Edmundsbury; yet many were intangled in the snares of this new Schisme. On the other side, there were certaine bookes, dispersed by certaine Papists against the Queene and other Princes, as excommunicate, which caused diuers admirers of the