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The Mormon War
Harper's Weekly
28 November 1857
Whatever be the real facts of the squabbles between Brigham Young and the United States officials, the quarrel is now placed on a clear, intelligible footing by the overt act of hostility committed by the Mormons on the 9th of October, in burning three trains belonging to the government of the United States, and containing military stores. It may be a question whether Governor Young's proclamation, calling the Mormons to arms for the purpose of forcibly preventing the entrance of United States troops into United States territory is not in itself an overt act of rebellion; but, at any rate, the burning of the stores is rank rebellion, and places the dispute on a new ground. The question is not, now, can we make war upon the Mormons to prevent polygamy, or to avenge this or that outraged official? It is, can we punish United States citizens who levy war against the United States? And on that question there can not be the shadow of a doubt. The only points worth consideration, now, in connection with these misguided fanatics, relate to the immediate safety of the troops and to the ultimate fate of the Mormons.
On the former head, the military authorities here and at Washington seem to entertain no serious apprehensions. The passage which we quote elsewhere from Colonel Alexander's dispatch, shows that the advanced guard of the army was not very far from good winter-quarters; and it is not generally supposed that Governor Young would risk a desperate conflict with them unless they attempted to force their way into Salt Lake City, which they do not propose to do this winter. Should he be so rash as to attack them, however, it is supposed that our men would be well able to take care of themselves.
It is not so easy to come to a conclusion with regard to the other matter — the ultimate destiny of the Salt Lake settlers. It may be assumed as a self-evident deduction from past experience, that a Mormon local government is inconsistent and irreconcilable with the supremacy of the Federal Power. It is also clear that now that the Mormons have actually appealed to the sword, it will not be sheathed by the United States until ample security is obtained for the future submission of the dwellers in Utah Territory, whoever they may be, or whatever faith they may profess. Lastly, it is not consonant with reason or experience to expect that defeats or persecution will induce the great body of the Mormons to abandon their creed or their hierarchy — at all events, until they have endured a long series of hardships and trials extending over a considerable period of time.
These and similar reasons have led to speculation as to the probability of a new Mormon hegira. Three regions have been indicated as possible retreats for the persecuted Saints. One is Vancouver Island; another the Russian territory in America; a third the Mexican territories adjacent to the Gadsden purchase. No one of the three is particularly promising or inviting to settlers; the first two are almost out of the question. In Russian America the Mormons would starve; in Vancouver's Island they would be summarily prosecuted for polygamy and expelled. Northern Mexico, with its arid soil and hostile Indians, is the most available site of the three for a new Mecca; for life is at least possible there, and Brigham Young might perhaps defy the Mexican Government. But why should not some one suggest to these persevering Saints that South America contains thousands of leagues of unoccupied territory, blessed with a glorious climate and fertile soil, where no government would molest, no soldiers attack them, and where they might work out their problem in safety for at least a century to come?
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